
Press Release
On 8 September 2025, President Prabowo stated that withdrawing the TNI (armed forces) [2] from civilian demonstration actions is a debatable demand, showing the attitude of a state leader who not only violates the principles of TNI accountability and professionalism, but also doesn’t care about various human rights violation cases in Indonesia. The presence of the military in the civilian sphere reinforces the face of state militarism. Whereas protest, action and public expression of opinion are part of everyone’s human rights, so they must not be met with intimidation, arrest, and the use of other violent methods. In this statement, the President refused to withdraw the military from security during protest actions. The President even seemed to equate protest actions with “creating riots” and “threats against the people”.
Other conditions that occurred during this week were violence and threats of punishment also targeting journalists, legal assistants, activists and influencers who critically fought for change. Digital attacks were carried out by calling alternative organisations and media foreign agents, restricting several organisational accounts, and intimidation on several campuses.
API sees these attacks as attempts to silence protest voices and kill democracy, one of whose principles is people’s freedom to voice opinions. All these repressive actions confirm that the state prefers violence over opening democratic dialogue spaces. Protest actions are expressions of people’s voices. Protest actions are not acts of treason or threats to the people. Protest is not a crime, but a DEMOCRATIC RIGHT inherent to every citizen. Prohibiting, restricting, or stigmatising protest is the most cunning way to suppress democracy.
Current protest actions are outpourings of people’s anger and disgust over reckless policies and state officials’ arrogance. Basic necessities prices have risen, taxes are increasingly strangling, unemployment continues to increase, mass layoffs occur, seizure of customary land, and children become victims of MBG [3] poisoning. People bear suffering, whilst DPR [4] members and other officials show no empathy and live in luxury with allowances, facilities and soaring salaries. Corruption perpetrators are given award stars, and dual positions as ministry officials and state-owned enterprise commissioners are allowed.
The Indonesian Women’s Alliance (API) rejects all forms of militarism and violence in facing people’s protest actions. Return democracy by giving people complete freedom to voice their opinions. For this, API demands:
– President Prabowo stop all forms of state violence, including withdrawing TNI and Polri [5] from handling protest actions and stopping all forms of TNI involvement in civilian affairs.
– President Prabowo, Defence Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin [6], and TNI Commander Agus Subiyanto [7] immediately withdraw soldiers involved with police in handling public security and order.
– National Police Chief Listyo Sigit [8] immediately resign from his position, and demand police unconditionally release all people arrested during protest actions.
– President Prabowo stop all forms of criminalisation against people, activists, journalists and media, as well as legal assistants.
– Full guarantee of citizens’ constitutional rights to assemble, associate, and express opinions in public without intimidation or violence, including lifting live broadcast bans, ending communication blockades, and guaranteeing media independence.
– Government reduce budget for TNI and Police to be transferred to public services.
– President Prabowo conduct comprehensive Bureaucratic and Police reform; Indonesian people deserve to live with better and more ethical government governance.
– DPR RI leadership stop and withdraw all luxurious facilities and allowances for DPR RI members and leadership. Build meaningful dialogue spaces and public participation in forming legislation.
The Indonesian Women’s Alliance (API) also commemorates September as Black September. Black September is a commemoration of many dark events that befell the people in September (see appendix). API urges resolution of various gross human rights violation cases that occurred in September in Indonesian history.
Together with Indonesian Women’s Alliance:
Perhimpunan Jiwa Sehat | Perempuan Mahardhika | Konde.co | Marsinah.id | Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia | Jala PRT | YLBHI | LBH Jakarta | Emancipate Indonesia | Arus Pelangi | YAPPIKA I FAMM Indonesia | Kelas Muda | RAHIMA | JASS | Asosiasi LBH Apik Indonesia | LBH APIK Semarang | LBH APIK Jakarta | SINDIKASI | Women’s March Jakarta 2025 | The Indonesian Legal Resource Center (ILRC) | FSBPI | Serikat Pekerja Kampus | HWDI | Kalyanamitra | Komunal Bawah Tanah | Warga Kampung Susun Bayam | Jaringan Buruh Migran | FPPI | Solidaritas Pemoeda Rawamangun | Komunal Bawah Tanah | Forum Pengada Layanan | ICJR | Ikatan Pemuda Tionghoa Banten | INFID | LBH Masyarakat | OPSI | Pamflet Generasi | WMW Indonesia | KIARA – PPNI | Solidaritas Perempuan | Kolektif Semai | Perkumpulan Lintas Feminis Jakarta | INSTITUT KAPAL Perempuan | Perkumpulan Samsara | West Papua Feminist Forum | Migrant CARE | Yayasan IPAS Indonesia | Perempuan Mahardhika Palu | Yayasan Kesehatan Perempuan | Aneta Papua | Perempuan Mahardhika Mnukwar | Federasi Serikat Buruh Bersatu (FSBB) KASBI | Aliansi Mahasiswa Papua | Federasi Serikat PEKKA | CATWAP Indonesia | Jaringan Buruh Migran | Keluarga Besar Buruh Migran Indonesia (KABAR BUMI) | Rumah Pengetahuan Amartya | WCC Puantara | Feminis Themis | Proklamasi Anak Indonesia | Institut Sarinah | Cakra Wikara Indonesia | Jaringan Buruh Migran | Warga Humanis | Gerakan Mahasiswa Bersama Rakyat | PHD PEREMPUAN AMAN LouBawe | Aliansi Perempuan Bangkit | Transparansi Internasional Indonesia | Artsforwomen Indonesia | Betina issue (Sulawesi Utara) | CATWAP Indonesia | Gema Alam NTB | Girl, No Abuse – Makassar | Jaringan Akademisi GERAK Perempuan | Kaoem Telapak | Kartini Manakarra | Koalisi Perempuan untuk Kepemimpinan (KPuK) | Komunitas Empu Fesyen Berkelanjutan | Komunitas Feminis Gaia, Yogyakarta | Konsorsium PERMAMPU – Sumatera | LBH Kalbar | Lembaga Pengembangan Sumber Daya Mitra (LPSDM NTB) | Muslimah Reformis, Tangsel | Peace Women Across the Globe Network | Perempuan Melawan (Aliansi Tolak Reklamasi Manado Utara) | Perempuan Solipetra (Petani Penggarap Kalasey Dua) Sulawesi Utara | Perkumpulan DAMAR Perempuan Lampung | Perkumpulan Gemawan | Perkumpulan Kecapi Batara Indonesia | Perkumpulan Sawit Watch | Rifka Annisa WCC Yogyakarta | Save All Women and Girls (SAWG) | Second Chance | Serikat Buruh Industri Perawatan Taiwan (SBIPT) | Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia | Suara Ibu Indonesia | Support Group and Resource Center on Sexuality Studies (SGRC) Indonesia | Yayasan Gemilang Sehat Indonesia | Yayasan Keadilan dan Perdamaian Indonesia | Yayasan Penabulu | Yayasan Srikandi Sejati (YSS) | Y2F Media | Sekolah Gender
Media Contacts: Mutiara Ika 082213587565 | Ija Syahruni 085187999928 | Eka Ernawati 0895619884296 | Yolanda Panjaitan 081290399004
APPENDIX: Historical Black September Events in Indonesia
1965-1966: 30 September Movement and Post-1965 Genocide
The 30 September Movement (G30S) of 1965 began with the abduction and murder of several high-ranking TNI officers and police members. This event not only became a turning point in the transition from the Old Order to the New Order era. It had long-lasting consequences, becoming a larger tragedy recorded as part of Indonesia’s dark history. After 30 September 1965, all accusations of involvement or support for the PKI [9] often ended in violence. Forms varied: arrests without trial, torture, exile, to murder. Officials and public figures were also accused of being affiliated with the PKI and communism. For example, writer Pramoedya Ananta Toer [10], who was exiled to Buru Island for years. Many young people at that time also became exiles for decades abroad because the Indonesian government did not want them to return.
1985: Tanjung Priok Incident
A humanitarian tragedy occurred in Tanjung Priok, North Jakarta, on 12 September 1984. This event occurred during the New Order era led by President Soeharto [11]. A dispute between Babinsa [12] officers and Tanjung Priok residents resulted in the arrest of four people. Their detention triggered demonstrations by other residents who could not accept it. They demanded that the four people be released. The demonstrating residents stubbornly remained at the action site when ordered to disperse. Officers then forcibly disbanded the action with gunfire.
Riots broke out. Besides shooting, there was burning and destruction of vehicles and surrounding buildings. Official records reported at least 24 people died from shooting and 55 others were injured. However, findings by the National Solidarity investigation team for the Tanjung Priok Incident (SONTAK) stated that fatalities reached 400 people. Meanwhile, 160 people were arrested by the military without procedures or arrest warrants because they were suspected of being involved in the incident.
This year, the commemoration of the Tanjung Priok tragedy enters its fourth decade. Already 40 years, clarity about the mastermind of this case and justice for residents who became victims is still unclear. Many people who disappeared in this incident are still unknown whereabouts. Instead, former officials and officers in the Tanjung Priok case were actually acquitted. The word ’sorry’ from the government alone is not enough. There needs to be investigation and trial for the Tanjung Priok tragedy.
1999: Semanggi II Tragedy
The 1998 Reform successfully brought down the New Order, but also sacrificed many lives in the process. Although Soeharto had stepped down, students and people were still not satisfied seeing leadership positions still occupied by old people. Protest actions met with repression by armed officers also took victims in a moment later known as the Semanggi II Tragedy, 24 September 1999. This event occurred a year after the Semanggi I Tragedy in November 1998.
The student demonstration on 24 September 1999 was part of a series of actions opposing the Emergency State Law (UU PKB) that had been ongoing previously. Once again, mass actions were met with violence by ABRI [13]. As happened in the Semanggi I Tragedy, officers shot students and action masses. In Jakarta, a University of Indonesia student named Yap Yun Hap died shot by live bullets in front of Atma Jaya University. His body was only found by his friends at the morgue of Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital (RSCM) on 25 September 1999.
Not only in Jakarta, demonstrations rejecting the UU PKB also took place in several other regions. These actions were also faced repressively and caused casualties. On 28 September 1999, two Lampung University students, Muhammad Yusuf Rizal and Saidatul Fitriah, died shot in front of Kedaton Military District Command. While in Palembang, 5 October 1999, Meyer Ardiansyah (IBA University Palembang) died stabbed in front of II/Sriwijaya Regional Military Command Headquarters.
The Independent Fact-Finding Team for the Semanggi II incident has made finding reports. But until now there has been no legal clarity on the shooting perpetrators. Yun Hap’s death in the Semanggi II Tragedy left deep wounds for his family, especially his mother, Ho Kim Ngo.
Ho Kim Ngo and Maria Katarina Sumarsih, mother of Bernardinus Realino Norman Irmawan alias Wawan who was a victim of the Semanggi I Tragedy, once filed a lawsuit against Republic of Indonesia Attorney General ST Burhanudin to Jakarta Administrative Court. The Attorney General was considered to be obstructing victim families from seeking justice. On 4 November 2020, the Administrative Court finally stated that ST Burhanudin committed unlawful acts.
26 years have passed. But the Semanggi II Tragedy still has the same fate as other gross human rights violation cases that are hanging. The government acknowledges and apologises for the case, but shows no intention to investigate the case thoroughly.
2004: Murder of Munir
On 7 September 2004, human rights activist Munir Said Thalib died. Munir, one of the founders of the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS) [14], died poisoned by arsenic compounds whilst on Garuda Indonesia flight GA-974 to Amsterdam, Netherlands.
Munir had advocated various human rights violation cases since the New Order era. Some cases he handled were the murder of farmers by TNI at Nipah Dam, Banyuates, Sampang; shootings in Bangkalan; the 1984 Tanjung Priok incident; and enforced disappearances of human rights activists during 1997-1998. Munir was also active in monitoring the 1994 murder case of labour activist Marsinah [15], which also remains unresolved until now.
Munir’s activism later became the motive for his murder. Munir’s death became one of the other human rights violation cases still hanging to be resolved.
Munir’s case continued to legal proceedings. A series of trials were held, several suspects were presented. In 2004, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) [16] who served as President at the time, formed a Fact-Finding Team (TPF) through Presidential Decree Number 111 of 2004. However, the TPF investigation results were never published by the government. Even when in 2016 the Public Information Commission (KIP) urged the government to announce the TPF report, the investigation document was declared missing.
The entire trial process was also not free from controversy. For example, Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Muchdi Purwoprandjono was acquitted, although he was strongly suspected of being the mastermind behind Munir’s murder. The year 2024 marked 20 years since Munir’s death, but the government has still not shown good faith to resolve the case.
2015: Murder of Salim Kancil
A farmer in Lumajang, East Java named Salim Kancil died tragically on 26 September 2015. Salim Kancil’s case added to the long list of human rights violations not thoroughly investigated by the government.
It was known that Salim Kancil was ganged up on by about 40 people using sharp weapons, stones, and wood. Not only that, Salim was also dragged 2 kilometres to the village hall. There, he was tortured again until he died. His friend, Tosan, experienced the same thing. Tosan survived death by pretending to be dead after being abused.
Salim Kancil’s murder was allegedly related to his protest against sand mining activities. Salim and the Selok Awar-Awar Community Care Communication Forum felt environmental damage due to mining activities there. Salim fought demanding responsibility for damage to rice field irrigation channels and disruption of agricultural activities due to sand dredging in Selok Awar-Awar.
The perpetrators of Salim Kancil’s abuse have been arrested. However, law enforcement was odd. Two people known as masterminds and perpetrators of Salim Kancil’s murder were only sentenced to 20 years in prison. The sentence was not proportional to the planned torture and murder of the environmental activist. In addition, the Salim Kancil case trial did not reveal the owners of the mines he protested. Salim Kancil’s case is a grim reminder that environmental justice activism often faces violence when disturbing rulers and financiers.
2019: Security Force Brutality in #ReformasiDikorupsi Actions
Still so vivid in memory, all elements of society took to the streets in #ReformasiDikorupsi [17] actions in September 2019. This action occurred not long after Jokowi [18] entered his second term as president.
People’s anger peaked when the government proposed discussion of the Omnibus Law [19] and several other problematic bills without involving the public. Whereas the Omnibus Law was heavily criticised for not siding with people and environment. Revision of the Corruption Eradication Commission Law (RUU KPK) which was suspected of weakening the KPK [20] as an anti-corruption institution also triggered protests.
Large demonstrations took place in various cities in Indonesia. Students, workers, women, marginal groups, to school students merged in mass actions. However, this action was accompanied by repression from officers, who used violence when forcing action masses to disperse. Police carried out abuse and even fired tear gas at action masses, so many people were injured. Officer brutality occurred not only in Jakarta, but also in other cities. Police even allegedly used expired tear gas to face masses consisting of civilians.
Casualties fell. In Southeast Sulawesi, two students named Randi and Yusuf Kardawi died from live bullet wounds. While in Jakarta, police brutality caused a young man named Maulaya Suryadi and two students, Akbar Alamsyah and Bagus Putra Mahendra, to die.
The repressive action also caused hundreds of injured victims. Several demonstrators were declared missing when riots broke out. Journalists were also hindered from covering and experienced abuse despite wearing press identification. The series of violence records during #ReformasiDikorupsi actions became another human rights violation that the government must be held accountable for.
2020: Murder of Pastor Yeremia
Pastor Yeremia Zanambani was the leader of the Indonesian Gospel Tabernacle Church (GKII) congregation. On 19 September 2020, his wife found him dead with gunshot and stab wounds in a pig pen. He was killed in Hitadipa Village, Hitadipa District, Intan Jaya Regency, Papua [21].
Pastor Yeremia’s murder shocked Indonesia. Yeremia was known to be vocal in criticising the military presence in Hitadipa. TNI once said that Yeremia was shot by an armed criminal group (KKB) [22]. However, based on statements by West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) spokesperson Sebby Sambon, Yeremia was killed by TNI officers.
In October 2020, the government formed a Joint Fact-Finding Team (TGPF) to investigate Yeremia’s death case. The TGPF report found suspected involvement of security forces in Yeremia’s murder. However, the government has still not followed up on the investigation results.
Besides Pastor Yeremia’s death case, many cases of shooting of indigenous Papuans in Intan Jaya are also still mysteries. The public urges the government to immediately investigate Pastor Yeremia’s case thoroughly, also other indigenous Papuan murder cases for human rights enforcement in Indonesia.
2023: Repressive Eviction in Rempang
The eviction of Rempang residents, Batam, became a human rights violation case still very fresh in memory. The case occurred exactly a year ago, on 7 September 2023 [23].
Rempang Island became one of the areas included in the National Strategic Programme (PSN) proclaimed by the Republic of Indonesia Government. This is stated in Republic of Indonesia Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs Regulation Number 7 of 2023.
Clashes between community and officers occurred on Rempang Island, Batam, Riau Islands on Thursday (7/9/2023). Residents refused the discourse of traditional village relocation for Rempang Eco City area development. While on that day, Navy TNI and police security forces forced entry to install Boundary Markers and Create Conditions.
Navy TNI and Police security forces were deployed to evict 16 Old Malay Villages that had existed since 1834. Clashes could not be avoided. Officers pushed in and fired tear gas up to SMPN 22 Galang and SDN 24 Galang areas. As a result, at least six residents were arrested, dozens were injured, several children experienced trauma, and one child was injured by tear gas.
According to Tommy Yanda from the Riau Islands Malay Youth Alliance, the clash became the peak of violence committed by officers against the community. “Elderly people, students, even toddlers were affected by tear gas from the riots that occurred,” he said in an online press conference, Thursday (7/9/2023).
Until now, Rempang residents are still fighting to defend their land. Violence in eviction efforts in Rempang also indicates that PSN development is still far from human rights perspective.
The government avoids responsibility for fulfilling people’s rights to land, water, and so on. Instead, they carry out repression against communities that do not align with the main duties and functions of defence and security tools.
The face of state violence is also visible in many regions: transfer of Papua political prisoners to Makassar [24], agrarian and natural resource conflicts in Sulawesi, North Maluku, Mandalika [25], and others, to expanding military territory in civilian areas with new military area command formation and strengthening naval area command, as well as various military involvement in civilian affairs.
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