Wickremesinghe became the first former President in Sri Lanka’s history to be arrested, marking a significant moment for the nation’s governance and accountability mechanisms. After being questioned by the CID, he was produced before the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court, which initially remanded him in custody until August 26 despite his lawyers’ request for bail on health conditions.

The case was filed under Sri Lanka’s Penal Code and Public Property Act, with penalties reaching up to 20 years imprisonment and substantial fines if convicted. Following court proceedings on August 26, Wickremesinghe was granted bail on a bond of five million rupees and was discharged from the National Hospital by August 29 after receiving treatment.

The arrest holds deep political significance given Wickremesinghe’s extraordinary career. He had served as Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister six times since the 1990s and assumed the Presidency at the height of the country’s economic collapse in 2022 after his predecessor, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, fled following widespread protests. Though widely credited with stabilising the economy through the IMF, Wickremesinghe remained unpopular with segments of the public who viewed him as part of the political establishment responsible for the crisis and the corruption. His arrest symbolises the new Government’s commitment to holding even the highest-ranking officials accountable, though it has also sparked allegations of political motivation.

At the Fort Magistrate’s Court on August 22

On August 22, the entire country’s attention was fixed on the Fort Magistrate’s Court, where former President Ranil Wickremesinghe was brought after his arrest. It was a Friday, and even while Parliament was in session, the main discussion inside and outside the Chamber was the same: Will he get bail, or will he not?

In the courtroom, Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris appeared on behalf of the Criminal Investigation Department. After hearing arguments, the Magistrate said that the decision on bail would be given after a 30-minute break.

At that very moment, the Court premises plunged into darkness due to a sudden power failure. After nearly twenty minutes, workers of the Ceylon Electricity Board arrived to repair the lines and restore power. The Court sessions resumed, and by 9.50 p.m., Judge Nilupulee Lankapura delivered the much-awaited order. Bail was denied, and Ranil Wickremesinghe was sent to remand until August 26.

The news came as a heavy blow to the crowd gathered outside. More than 50 political figures, including former President Maithripala Sirisena, several MPs, Provincial and Local Councillors, had come to show support for Wickremesinghe. Their faces fell when the order was announced. Some even cried. Moments later, he was led away in handcuffs and taken to the Magazine Prison.

That night, within an hour and a half of being admitted to prison, Wickremesinghe was moved to the prison hospital due to high blood pressure and diabetes. The following day, Saturday, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, and many others visited him in prison. Special permission was also given for him to receive home-cooked meals.

Later that evening, Wickremesinghe was transferred to the Colombo National Hospital on the recommendation of prison doctors, where he continued to receive treatment under heavy security.

Crossing the Rubicon

Soon after Ranil Wickremesinghe’s arrest, President’s Counsel Saliya Peiris wrote a short but striking post on his official Facebook page.

He recalled a famous moment in history: “Crossing the Rubicon. In January 49 BC, Julius Caesar, the Governor of Gaul, crossed the river Rubicon with his army against the orders of the Senate in Rome. Once the Rubicon was crossed, there was no going back. That was the point of no return. It ended with a civil war and the ultimate triumph of Julius Caesar. This incident has led to the phrase ‘crossing the Rubicon’ or ‘crossing the point of no return’.

There are certain moments in politics or governance that are the moments of ‘crossing the Rubicon’ or that point of no return. Those decisions must be considered decisions and those that are made wisely and with the long-term interests of the country in mind.”

Saliya Peiris said that Sri Lanka had also reached such a turning point. The arrest of a former President, something long thought impossible, was a decision that could not be undone. Many political and social activists described it as a watershed moment in Sri Lankan politics. They said that no matter what Government was in power before, Ranil Wickremesinghe would never have been arrested, even on far more serious charges. This, they said, marked a new chapter.

But interestingly, Minister Bimal Ratnayake offered a sharp response: “It was the people of this nation who, 11 months ago, crossed the Rubicon! They are the spearhead of the Movement to make Sri Lanka a true republic.”

One of the clearest outcomes of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s arrest was how sharply questions of class surfaced in Sri Lankan politics. Many of his supporters began repeating the same claim: “The current Government is jealous of the luxurious lifestyle of people like Ranil Wickremesinghe.”

On August 24, a joint press conference was organised under the banner “Let’s defeat the constitutional dictatorship.” It brought together leaders from across the Opposition, including Maithripala Sirisena, G. L. Peiris, Namal Rajapaksa, Rauf Hakeem, and Champika Ranawaka. Among the speakers, MP Dayasiri Jayasekera made a remark that captured this underlying tension. “Today, a conflict situation has been created in politics between two groups, the Elite versus the non-elite.”

This was not an isolated statement. Across social media, and even at public gatherings, Wickremesinghe’s arrest was framed by some as an attack on the elite, a clash between rural politicians and Colombo’s privileged class. The issue came into sharper focus during the protest outside the Fort Magistrate’s Court on August 26. Supporters shouted directly at the Court: “The Thambuttegama village man is jealous of the rich elite-class man from Kollupitiya!”

This raw expression laid bare something deeper. For decades, Sri Lanka’s politics has been coloured by class identity, urban versus rural, English-speaking elite versus Sinhala-speaking grassroots. Wickremesinghe himself, often described as belonging to Colombo’s elite circle, became a symbol of that divide. His arrest did not just spark debates about law and accountability. It also revived an old wound in Sri Lanka’s social fabric: the resentment and mistrust between those who hold privilege and those who do not.

Contradictions and conflict

Sri Lanka’s leading political scientist, Prof. Jayadeva Uyangoda, described the arrest in historical terms. In his words: “Yesterday marked a turning point in Sri Lanka’s contemporary politics. The contradictions and conflict between the traditional, Colombo-centric political elites and the non-elite social forces and their elected representatives have reached a qualitatively new phase.

A kind of new class war has erupted in public, in front of TV cameras and international media. The media has published an age-defining photograph of Sri Lanka’s former President. Being taken to jail in a black prison van. Wearing an expensive, yet crushed white shirt, handcuffed, lonely and crestfallen. Semiotically, this photograpg tells it all.”

His observation captures how Wickremesinghe’s arrest is not only about legal proceedings but also about symbols, power, and class conflict. It marks a moment when the struggles that shaped Sri Lanka’s politics for decades have broken into the open, forcing the country to confront the deep divides within its society.

The protest on August 26

After Wickremesinghe’s arrest, Opposition parties called on the public to gather in Colombo on August 26. In response, around two- thousand people staged a protest outside the Fort Magistrate’s Court that day. The demonstration took place right next to the Court premises under heavy security.

The protest itself was a mix of serious political expression and confusion. Some protesters were there who shouted in the 2022 Aragalaya Movement, “Go Home Gota,” then “Go Home Ranil,” and finally 2025 “, Go Home Anura.” Some others, filmed on social media, mispronounced slogans of the Inter-University Students’ Federation (IUSF), drawing ridicule online. A few protesters were there – they did not even know why Wickremesinghe had been arrested or why this protest was organised.

At one point, a supporter was seen holding a placard telling U.S. President Donald Trump to help Ranil Wickremesinghe. Rumours also spread among the crowd that Wickremesinghe had been arrested for attending his wife’s graduation ceremony.

When questioned about whether calling people to gather near the court was contempt of court, MP Namal Rajapaksa denied responsibility. He said the protesters came on their own to support their leader and added, “The Court can take any action against them.”

Another important incident happened during the protest. After Wickremesinghe was granted bail, many supporters outside the Court began celebrating. At that moment, the National Organiser of the UNP, Sagala Ratnayaka, walked past the media towards the crowd. A senior police officer advised him, “Don’t go this way, go from the back.” Still, a few female UNP supporters called out, asking him to come to the people, thank them, and then leave. Irritated, Sagala turned to the women and shouted loudly, “Listen to me, men!” The scene was caught on video and spread on social media. For many, it became yet another example of how the elite treat ordinary supporters, reinforcing the debate about the gap between political leaders and the public.

Political reactions were varied. Almost all Opposition parties defended Wickremesinghe, except the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi, which remained silent. Even in Parliament, Muslim Congress leader Rauff Hakeem said that “everyone should be treated equally, but a former President should be shown at least a little courtesy.” Malaiyaha Tamil politicians, including Jeevan Thondaman and Palani Digambaram, were also seen visiting the court on August 22 and 26 to show their support.

The protests were not entirely peaceful. A police officer was injured when an UNP member of the Kalutara Urban Council, threw a bottle at him. He was later arrested on August 28. Following the protest, the Fort Magistrate’s Court ordered the Criminal Investigation Department to investigate those involved in the demonstrations near the court on August 26.

As previously said, Ranil Wickremesinghe’s arrest was more than a legal case. It exposed the deep divide in Sri Lanka’s politics, where questions of privilege, class, and accountability collide. The events in the courtroom, the protests outside, and the debates that followed all pointed to one reality. The country is caught in an ongoing struggle between the elite and the non-elite. This crisis is no longer hidden. It has come to the surface, demanding answers about how power is used and who it truly serves.

Shabeer Mohamed