After 17 years of turning their backs on this reality in Europe, in case these states still claim some consideration of “illegality”, the report also reminds them that “the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of July 2010 states that Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence does not violate general international law”.

Why hasn’t Spain recognised Kosovo’s independence?

Because the People’s Party and the PSOE considered it a “bad example” for the Spanish state, precisely because it has different nations within its territory. From President José Maria Aznar, who always threatened that a self-determination referendum in Catalonia or the Basque Country would bring about a situation of “Balkan wars”, to President Felipe González who claimed it would be a “terrible seed”.

European reactions to Kosovo’s independence at the time were very enlightening. On one side were countries that wanted to end an era, to turn the page on a conflict that had kept them on edge for a long time: UK, Germany, France, Italy. All of them decisively supported Finnish diplomat Athissari’s plan. There was a second group of more reluctant states, including Belgium. And a third openly against: Spain, Greece, Russia. Each of these last two blocks had their own internal national motives. Today the majority of European states recognise Kosovo as an independent state, except Spain and four others.

What does the report say about Kosovo and its integration into the EU?

The report is very clear. It praises Kosovo’s commitment to EU accession, reflecting a clear strategic geopolitical choice; the strong and continued support of its citizens for Kosovo’s European path. It reiterates its “firm conviction that Kosovo’s future lies in the Union and that all efforts to bring Kosovo out of the ’grey zone’ are in the interest of both the people of Kosovo and the Union”. It supports Kosovo’s application for EU membership, which demonstrates the “enormous consensus among parties on EU integration, and a clear strategic geopolitical decision”.

The report does not fail to criticise the government and state of Kosovo in the sense that the Gender Equality Law, which requires equal representation of 50% women and men, continues to be neither implemented nor harmonised; it regrets that women remain underrepresented; that public servants’ remuneration is still not functional; or its concern about the slow implementation of the strategy and action plan for the Rule of Law. But it says nothing about the marginalisation of trade unions or about social dialogue. Nor does it say anything about some Kosovar military personnel being present in the Falklands, supporting the UK’s colonial occupation against Argentina.

Where do the dangers come from?

What is most important for the EU, then, is the geopolitical and geostrategic aspect. In addition to the advantages of accelerating entry into the European Union, the report is also clear about who has an interest in hindering it: Serbia and Russia. Serbia’s role is key to achieving stability in the region. Behind the Serbian government is Russia’s pressure and interference. The European Union is asking Serbia to open all archives from the war period and to allow access to the archives of the secret services and the People’s Army of the former Yugoslavia, one of the key aspects for determining the political responsibilities of the perpetrators of the wars and attempts at genocide, the basis for a just and definitive peace. It also asks Serbia to arrest and bring to justice the perpetrators of the terrorist attacks in Banjska in 2023 and regrets that Serbia continues to fail to prosecute the culprits, in particular Milan Radoičić, vice-president of Srpska Lista who is running for election with the idea of dividing Kosovo and integrating with Serbia. A situation similar to that of Republika Srpska, which threatens to separate from Bosnia and integrate with Serbia, whose actions keep tensions alive in the region.

The most important demonstrations since the fall of Milosevic are taking place in Serbia. And also counter-demonstrations organised by the government, a sign of the regime’s crisis. The complicity of the Serbian government with Putin’s regime in seeking support is more than evident. The same with China. The European Union’s message is therefore clear: obstacles to Kosovo’s integration into the EU must be quickly cleared away, otherwise the Balkans could once again become the next powder keg after Ukraine. Strengthen south-eastern Europe against Russia. That is why, for the EU, its support for Ukraine with humanitarian aid and military assistance “confirms that Kosovo is a reliable and valuable partner committed to EU integration and confirms its clear geopolitical orientation”.

What does the European Union offer?

The European Union has had almost thirty years to offer an alternative to Kosovo. It has not done so. Nor for Balkan countries that suffered the war such as Bosnia, Macedonia or Serbia itself. The alternative it offers is rather an economic integration subordinated to the monopolies of the dominant Western countries. It is what the neoliberal capitalist system can offer. But it has not even been able to set that alternative in motion.

After the wars of the 90s, the promises of rapid economic integration and a decent standard of living, not to mention at the European median level, have almost disappeared. From the supposed “Marshall Plan” to reality, the frustration is enormous among the population. A prolonged post-war period is even worse than the war itself, when illusions are maintained that peace will bring an automatic improvement in life. The extreme right-wing forces in the region feed on this frustration with the European Union. Serbia is now torn between the desire of the majority of the population, especially the young, who want to join the EU – in reality they want to “be part of Europe” on equal terms – and the pressures from Moscow to prevent it. As in Ukraine, as in Romania, as in many of the countries around Russia. Putin knows this very well and exploits it very skilfully, better than anyone.

The European Union is not the panacea of freedoms. Nor of fair treatment. Nor of a social economy. It fails to have a democratic Constitution precisely because in France and the Netherlands, when a referendum on it was put to a vote, the population rejected this neoliberal model. From then on, the project went into crisis. We should not deceive ourselves or anyone else about what joining the EU means. However, would it be better to be outside or to leave the EU?

The trade unions, left-wing parties, and human rights associations in these Eastern countries know quite well what a neoliberal model is. And if, despite this, they are calling for EU membership, it is for a reason. When I have had meetings with trade unionists and left-wing parties, I have shown them the limitations of joining the EU. The answer they have given me in Kosovo, Bosnia, Serbia, Macedonia and, more recently, in Ukraine, is the same: that they will be better off inside than outside. “The laws and social standards are better than in our country. We have to take advantage of this pressure on our governments to strengthen ourselves”. They are right.

This explanation should be enough for all the left to support their demand to join the EU. But, above all, they should do so by supporting them in their struggle within their country against their neoliberal right-wing governments and their local oligarchs. The process of formalising the conditions for entry is an opportunity to strengthen trade unions, to demand human rights, progressive laws, to combat the corruption of oligarchic groups in power. The left should take advantage of the entire process to strengthen ties, alliances, and complicity with trade unions, left-wing groups, and civil organisations between East and West. To create joint projects or renew those that were made immediately after the wars.

But the truth is that it is not doing so. Or it is doing so very weakly. It is the neoliberal right that is taking the initiative. The parliamentary arena is a reflection of this. Gone are the days when many of the left on the continent and the Islands would meet in unity at European Social Forums and organise battles such as the fight for the 35-hour week or for peace and the withdrawal of imperialist troops from Iraq. Mobilisation agreements that put pressure on governments, where trade unionists from former Yugoslavia and the East were invited and their situation and demands were learned first-hand. It is as if Putin’s propaganda intoxication has created a new Iron Curtain between East and West, a Tower of Babel where the left speak different languages and are unable to understand each other.

Votes in the European Parliament

The votes in the European Parliament on the report give a clear picture of the trends and positions that are forming within Europe and the place of parties, currents, and blocs. It has been very clear regarding the recognition of Kosovo’s independence. In general terms, the right-wing People’s Party and Social Democrats have voted in favour, with exceptions that abstain, which I will comment on now. The Greens have also voted in favour. And the entire far right has voted against such a report and recommendations, with some exceptions. These are basically the same blocs regarding Russia’s war against Ukraine.

And what about the votes of the parties from the Spanish state? The 22 MEPs from the PP, the six from Vox and one from Podemos – MEP Irene Montero – have voted against the report, while the 20 from the PSOE and one from Sumar – MEP Estrella Galán – have abstained. Only the five representatives of ERC, EH Bildu, BNG, Comuns and PNV have voted in favour.

That picture, beyond the speeches, indicates the prominent role of the right and far right in the Spanish state regarding the major European guidelines. And the timid and regrettable role that the left of the Spanish state is playing. Precisely when there are different nations in the Spanish state and the need to find a solution to the right to national self-determination is well known, the left should take a step forward. The differentiated vote of the Catalan and Basque representatives, almost all of them from the left except PNV, shows that the forces that support the Spanish government could play a prominent role in favour of Kosovo, reversing an error that has been going on for too long. But that would be if the PSOE dared to break with the reactionary vision of Felipe González’s times.

The curious thing, to put it mildly, is that Podemos – supposedly the far left – votes with the European far right, and with VOX and PP, against Kosovo’s right to be part of the European Union. It may be uncomfortable to vote alongside the right or social democrats, but... isn’t it something to think about voting with the Spanish VOX and PP? This vote also indicates how Irene Montero’s and Podemos’s discourse is increasingly sliding towards a type of red-brown populism in order to differentiate themselves from Sumar and the Spanish government.

It is not just about Kosovo. Also regarding Ukraine, Podemos has adopted the same line of attacking the government for its support in giving arms to Ukraine, mixing it with its opposition to European rearmament – something we completely agree with – but without ever supporting Ukraine. The line on Kosovo and Ukraine is the same: not to support countries that are attacked militarily or in hybrid form by their aggressors. Does Montero know the violence that it means not to accept the independence of a country that has been fighting for decades to survive? Does she perhaps prefer it to return to the status of “province” under the Serbian boot? Has she ever listened to any Kosovar trade unionist or representative? Then Podemos will say that it defends the right to self-determination of nations...

Recognising Kosovo’s independence seventeen years later and voting in favour of the report to admit its entry into the EU is not an act of heroism or vanguardism. But it would be the minimum that the Spanish left in the European Parliament and a government that calls itself progressive should do.

Alfons Bech is the former head of cooperation with the Balkan trade unions for the Pau i Solidaritat Foundation of CCOO of Catalonia. Now a trade union coordinator of the European Network of Solidarity with Ukraine

Alfons Bech

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