Denys Pilash: The most recent European Parliament elections were accompanied by discussions of a threatening rightward shift — it seems that the far right, many of whom are also pro-Putin, gained strength almost everywhere in the EU. With one notable exception: the Nordic countries — Finland, Sweden, and Denmark. There, right-wing populists have, on the contrary, lost significant support, while left-wing forces — including Finland’s Left Alliance, Denmark’s Red-Green Alliance and Socialist People’s Party [the Green Left], as well as your own Left Party of Sweden — have made gains. What explains this? A matter of temporary circumstances, the failures of right-wing governments, or the successful strategies of socialists in engaging the electorate? What can left-wing movements elsewhere learn from your experience?

Jonas Sjöstedt: I think the recent election results in the Nordic countries — Finland, Sweden, and also Denmark — show that it’s possible to defeat the far right not by adopting their agenda, but by promoting a strong, positive left-wing alternative. We focused on issues like equality, public services, the climate crisis, and international law — both in Ukraine and Gaza. And in doing so, we didn’t allow the far right to dominate the conversation with their favorite topics like migration and crimes.

And I would say that one factor that plays a role is that we have seen the extreme right in power. They are the government in Finland. The Swedish right wing government is totally dependent on them, and they adapt the policies accordingly. And people don’t like what they see. As long as far right stays in opposition, they can cultivate the illusion that they’re on the side of workers, of “ordinary people.” But once in power, it becomes clear: they’re just racist right-wingers with an aggressively pro-business economic agenda. There’s not a single trace of progressive economic policies, just lower taxes for the super rich, cutting back on healthcare. These are the same old harsh, raw right-wing policies— anti-union, indifferent to social and environmental issues.

So I think that’s a positive message coming from the Nordic countries.We hope that we are a bit ahead of some European countries, and that this can also happen in many others. Denmark’s Socialist People’s Party that belongs to the Greens/EFA group became the largest party in their European elections. We increased more than any other party in the Swedish election, and the election result in Finland was spectacular, with the left triple and just crushing the extreme right. 

So yes, I believe there’s a message of hope here — a message that we should trust in our own policies and give people a real sense of possibility. These are really difficult times for many. I know I shouldn’t say that in the context of Ukraine, but I mean, it’s also economically not the best time in Western Europe — with inflation, the cost of living crisis, and economic uncertainty. And the left has to be present — to say: there is a way out. There’s a better way to do things. That, I think, was the core of our message — and our direction.

So in this context, how do you evaluate the prospects of your new alliance, the European Left Alliance for the People and the Planet (ELA)? Do you see it expanding to other countries, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe?

We saw the need for a closer and more modern European Left-wing cooperation. We think that we should gather parties that are willing to not only hold the best beaches, but also to go in and change policies. And I think the parties that are there also think about how we can actually get political power. We also saw some weaknesses in the previous or the still existing other European left formation – Party of the European Left – with there being a more inward looking, more old fashioned party dominated by more traditional communist parties. We are not. 

And I have to say, the issue of Ukraine was — and still is — very important for us. A credible left condemns not only the occupation in Palestine but also the illegal occupation of Ukraine. It’s not complicated: it’s imperialism, it’s aggression, it’s about human rights and respect for international law. And unfortunately, there are still some left-wing parties that struggle with this. For us, it was crucial to form an alliance that was just dominated by what we think is so important – to support Ukraine.

And we, of course, hope that ELA will grow. Right after the European elections, we moved fast to establish it and get it officially accepted. Now we’re working with the budget, and of course, in the Swedish Left Party, we would love to see Ukraine’s Social Movement as part of this European cooperation. 

There are also some other left-wing parties emerging in Central Europe that are in the CEEGLA network, and we’d be very happy if they decide to join us. We hope this becomes an asset supporting each other, sharing ideas, campaigning together, and learning from one another about how things work in each of our countries. We’re planning a big meeting for all member parties this winter, where we’ll invite others to join. 

And you had some cooperation with the Croatian Možemo! (We Can!)?

Yes — they’re a red-green alliance, and they’re now part of the Greens/EFA group in the European Parliament. But they’re clearly progressive, and we’ve sat down with them — we’re open and willing to work together.

I think their success also shows something important: the Greens had a structure in place that allowed them to invite and include movements. The Left didn’t have that — we lacked that structure. But now, we’re building it.

You are part of the European Parliament’s delegation to Ukraine, representing the Left. You’ve followed Ukrainian issues closely, and during this visit, you’ve met many people from different movements. What would be your priorities for European cooperation with Ukraine going forward?

Yes — and I have to admit, it was emotional for me. I was tasked with opening the first meeting of the delegation, as the most senior Member of the European Parliament present. It meant a lot. Ukraine is close to my heart. 

And I think we need to be very clear: if Ukraine does not have the means to defend itself, then many other discussions become irrelevant. There’s no way around that. Military support is essential — Ukraine must be able to fight back against Russian aggression. 

Of course, we want to talk about fighting poverty, rebuilding infrastructure, creating jobs, all of that. But none of it matters if Ukraine cannot defend itself. That’s the foundation. And the EU — and its member states — must send a strong message: we are not quitters. We are here to stay, and we are going to increase our support for Ukraine. Any hesitation, any sign of weakness in the face of Russian aggression, only benefits the aggressor.

Ukrainians have shown incredible resilience and fighting spirit, even under the harshest conditions. I believe Putin expected to win in a week. He was wrong. It’s Europe’s absolute responsibility to answer that call. And I think Ukraine is not only fighting for the survival of Ukraine as an independent nation and as a democracy, it’s a fight for Europe, for democracy. And Moldova, would it survive if Ukraine wasn’t there? That’s why this war isn’t just existential for Ukraine — it’s existential for all of us. For Europe. For democracy. For the future we want to build. 

Given the growing strength of the extreme right in many European countries, including figures like Viktor Orbán, do you think that Europe will be capable of replacing the US in the worst case scenario? I would also want to concentrate on how you, Nordic left parties, are leading the fight against the Russian shadow fleet. How can we get rid of Russian fossil fuels and at the same time not incentivize other fossil fuel empires, but promote green transition? What can we do in order to both strengthen Ukraine and to strengthen progressive forces inside Europe?

I think it’s very important that the left become more pro-Ukrainian and more active, because this is the natural way to grasp the political differences: Putin is a reactionary, semi fascist or fascist ruler. Orban is like a copy of Putin or trying to be his copy. So it’s natural that the Left fights this. 

And what was so interesting with the debate we just held in the European Parliament about the shadow fleet, is that the left was totally united. It was the driving force. We had a big majority saying that we should close this shadow fleet oil transport. But it’s also a global problem. It’s up to 50% of oil exported by Russia. If we were to be successful, it could have an impact. I mean, if the world stops funding this terrible war, Putin could not continue doing it. I think it’s really the weak spot of Russia, and we should just press that spot as much as we could, and it’s the perfect example of left wing policy in the sense that it combines solidarity with Ukraine, protecting the environment, and the maritime environment. We see there are big economical capital forces in the West that make a lot of money for the war. They import and they transport this oil, and it’s extremely profitable for them. And they are also our enemy. They are actually the allies of Putin in this case. So it’s a very good example of pushing the politics in support of Ukraine to a new arena.

Maybe you have some closing remarks. What would you like to add for Ukrainian readership?

I think the role of the Ukrainian left is extremely important. And I think one of our tasks is to bring people to Ukraine, to organize more trips, to organize more meetings, to try to facilitate the broader social network, because there are still some stupid arguments for not supporting Ukraine. And I think reality is the best counter argument, and you can tell about it.

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Jonas Sjöstedt

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