Finally, An IIRE in Manila!
Since 1982, the existence
of the International
Institute for
Research and Education
in Amsterdam (IIR E -
Amsterdam) has
been instrumental
in bringing together
activists from all inhabited
continents for critical
exchanges of thoughts
and experiences in the
daily struggle for emancipation
of all oppressed
peoples of the world. The
various yearly schools,
seminars and discussions
organized by the institute
have greatly
helped in the training
and broadening of perspectives
of activists,
especially the young
ones.
These successes of the
IIRE-Amsterdam and
the challenges faced by
third world activists,
particularly the Asian
sections, greatly inspired
the establishment
of an IIRE in Asia,
particularly in Manila.
The present global economic
crisis brought
about by the barbaric
capitalist system has
caused indescribable
sufferings to the peoples
of the third world,
since they are the most
vulnerable and unsecured
sections of the
world against globalization. Thus, the struggle of
these peoples for their basic
right to live is also directly
aimed at crippling the imperialists
and capitalists in their
respective countries.
On the other hand, the opportunities
for reflection and studies
in IIRE-Amsterdam for
third word activists have become
increasingly difficult, financially
and technically. Thus,
the need to open a more accessible
venue for discussions
to third world activists, specifically,
Asia-Pacific activists,
amidst the growing difficulties
and challenges, reinforced the
necessity of establishing a sister
institute in Manila. This is
also a way to strengthen the
unity and solidarity of the third
word activists in order to intensify
the struggle for their
political and social agenda and
for a new internationalism in
the face of the worst capitalist
crisis in the century.
Now the IIRE-Manila is formally
open. In this connection
IIRE-Manila invite activists,
militants and progressive
forces to visit the IIRE-Manila
and for possible joint activities
and political projects
aimed at strengthening solidarity
in the spirit of pluralism.
The IIRE-manila building
can conveniently accommodate
eighteen individuals
for a cheaper rate per day.
The accommodation rate
per day is 13 euros, but
negotiable to networks of
activists who has a merger
budget. The proceeds of
this will go to the maintenance
of the institute since
it is still developing its resource
base. Reservations
can be made by contacting
us at the following: iiremanila iire.org or by calling
us at (02) 434-7351.
The institute also is developing
its small library at
the ground floor to cater
activists who would like to
make researches and papers.
To further enrich its resource
base, the institute is
calling for donations in
whatever form, like solidarity
fund donations, books,
publications and other useful
materials.
There’s A First Time for Everything
By: Alex de Jong, IIRE-Amsterdam
The IIRE-Manila recently concluded its first
high-profile acitivity, the first Asian Global
Justice School. The set-up of the school
was inspirired by the many succesful Global
Justice School held at the IIRE-Amsterdam.
The IIRE-Manila was set up to facilitate
educational sessions similar to those
organised by the IIRE-Amsterdam,
especially for social justice activists from
Asia that often have trouble obtaining visa
necessary to attend the schools in
Amsterdam. Another aim was to provide a
perspective more centered on the Global
South.
The 19-day school, which started
November 9, was intended to pave
the way for general discussions on
emerging political and
socio-economic trends in
Asia. Nineteen
participants, the
majority of them from
the Philippines, attended
the school. There where
also participants and
lecturers from Pakistan,
Japan, France, the
Netherlands and
Denmark. Theoretical
discussions on topics like
the impact of
globalisation on the
Global South and
changing patterns on migration
were combined with visits to
different communities on the
southern island of Mindanao.
Mindanao – most recently
in the news because of
the massacre of rivals of
the local
Ampatuan dynasty – is
the poorest region of the
Philippines, itself a Third
World country. The island
is doubly affected by
outside exploitation; like
other regions of the
Philippines it serves as a
pool of cheap labour and
raw materials – but the
island can also be called
an internal colony of the
Philipine state itself.
Although
extremely rich in resources, the
local population benefits little from
the natural wealth of the
environment.
Participants met with
representatives of local
organisations of peasants and
fisherfolk who put in concrete
terms what it means for smallscale
producers to be pushed aside
by capital intensive large scale
production. The discussion on the
democratic right to self-determination was illustrated with
a visit to community of Indigenious
People of the Teduray-Lambangian
Tribe. Called ’Lumad’ in the
Philippines, the Indigenious People
of Mindanao have been fighting to
preserve their way of life – which
for the Teduray-Lambangian
includes an extremely democratic
model of elected leaders and
communal property of land –
against the encroachment of
mulitnationals that don’t hesitate
to use force to drive people away
so natural resources can be
exploited.
The participants also met with
members of the first LGBT
organisation founded on the island.
LGBT’s face strong prejudice and
discrimination in the country as a
whole. Just recently, the authority
supervising the elections denied a
party formed to represent the
LGBT’s right to participate, stating
that the organisation ’promotes
immorality’ and is ’a danger to the
youth’. Members of the Mindanaon
LGBT organisation have been
blamed for causing floods by their
’sins against God’ and have been
the victim of violence.
A common theme in the
discussions was how to find ways
to work for democracy and social
justice in a context of communal
division. The population of
Mindanao consists of Indigenious
People, Christians and Muslims,
groups that have often been at
odds with eachother. The response
of the Philippine governement to
the demand of the deprived
Muslim population for selfdetermination
has been violence
and repression. The ongoing
fighting between Muslim militants
and the government army has cost
thousands of lives. Goverment
repression has turned the region
into an extremely militarized area
and fed the tensions between the
different communities. In an era of
resurgent communalism and
fundamentalism, it was inspiring to
meet with activists working to
build bridges between the
communities and create a
shared movement for social
justice.
This being the first school
organised by the IIRE-Manila and
of necessity operating on a tight
budget, there were
also lessons to be
learned by the
organizers. Most
impor tant ly, the
participation from
other Asian countries
was limited: many
interested people
could not participate
because of time or
financial restraints.
This is one of the
points taken up in the
preparation of the
second Asian Global
Justice School, which
is targetted to take
place in August of
next year.
Beside the fruitful theoretical
discussions and exchange of
information, a number of concrete
plans to strenghten international
solidarity, both between the
Global South and north as
between different Asian countries
also came out of the school. For
the IIRE-Manila, the first Asian
Global Justice School was a
succes, a valuable experience and
undoubtedly, only the first of
many more to come.
Photos:
Participants to the First Asian Global Justice School 2009 having a
discussion with the Federation leaders of the Grassroots Women,
Fisher folk, Peasants/farm worker Organizations in Lanao del
Norte in Mindanao.
Members of the Council of Elders
(Timuay) of the Teduray-Lambangian
Tribe in Manguindanao during a dialogue
with the participants of the First
Asian Gobal Justice School 2009. The
dialogue was held in a community in
Awang, Datu Odin Sinsuat, Maguindanao.
Martial Law is the Answer to Another Question
"The Ampatuans
have been known
to be Arroyo’s
warlords and
therefore could
not be genuinely
identified as rebels
otherwise this
move will again
end up on Arroyo’s
doorsteps."
The Quid Pro Quo
The private army and the enormous
wealth of the Ampatuans have been
arrogantly displayed for the entire
world to see since they have had a
quid pro quo relationship with the
Arroyo regime. That is the Ampatuans
can have the sky as the limit for
their wealth and power as long as
they can help the Arroyo to stay in
power.
The brigade size Civilian Armed
Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU),
the more than battalion size Special
Civilian Auxiliary Army (SCAA) and
Civilian Volunteers Organization
(CVO), were all trained by the Armed
Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and
the Philippine National Police (PNP)
respectively. They are armed with
weapons far sophisticated and high
powered than AFP and PNP combined
armaments but everybody
knows even the higher ups
of the trainors that these
units have been treated by
the Ampatuans as their
private armies and personal
security units whose
main tasks were not only
to protect the whole clan
but also to secure and
guard the twenty eight (28)
mansions with built-in
money vaults in them.
These scandalously big and
very expensive mansions
worth billions of pesos are
located throughout the
country. In some of these places, they
are built in the midst of peoples’ shanties
as if wanting to present a contrast
of heaven and earth or hell depending
on one’s perspective.
One month ago, such situation
seemed untouchable and nobody
dared to even try to rock such arrangement.
Everybody has known that
there is a direct connection of the
Ampatuans and Malacañang. The miraculous
victory of Mrs Arroyo over
the Muslims’ idol Fernando Poe Jr in
2004 Presidential Elections providing
Commission on Election Commissioner
Garcilliano a secured hiding
place during the Hello Garci Scandal
and the mysterious 12-0 victory of Mrs
Arroyo senatorial slate in the province
in 2007 elections have been, too glaring
to ignore such symbiotic relationship.
The November 23: Quo Vadis?
After the November 23, 2009 infamous
Maguindanao Massacre where fifty
seven (57) people majority of whom
are journalists and lawyers and supporters
of a rival clan were brutally
murdered and mutilated, the picture
which was painted above seemed to
turn upside down.
The whole nation and the world have
reacted to the gruesome and very inhuman
acts of killing the 57 people on
the road to file and witness a democratic
exercise thru filing of Candidacy
to the provincial Commission on Election
(COMELEC) office. Everybody
believes that act could
only be done by monsters
and all signs and footprints
have sharply
pointed to the Ampatuans.
Mrs. Arroyo and Malacañang
were put on the
spot. They know that
they have created these
monsters and their inaction
(as in the past creating
an atmosphere of impunity)
would surely point
back to their direction
and the world especially the country
could not forgiven them. Damage control
measures like expulsion of the clan
from the Ruling Party and arresting or
“inviting” one of the monsters would
perhaps reassures and lessens the anger
of the people. Aside from reassuring
the people, Malacañang would want
to show that it does not tolerate such
act. The main reason for the damage
control measure is to buy time and lay
down the foundation of creating an
impression of the distancing Mrs. Arroyo
from the Ampatuans at the same
time thinking of ways to save the Ampatuans
and hence saving Mrs Arroyo
from possible revelation of the Ampatuans’
aces against her.
Martial Law a Solution to Maguindanao
Massacre or an Exit Plan?
The declaration of Martial Law in Maguindanao
is the best option because it will
have reason to arrest and isolate the Ampatuans
and to make sure that they can
not speak against Arroyo. The Arroyo
regime can launch search and seizure activities
against the Ampatuan in the guise
of looking for guns and military hardware
it had provided or sold in the past but
actually it is looking and securing the 2004
and 2007 electoral evidences against Arroyo
and the Ruling Party.
The problem is: the constitutional justifications
of Martial Law, which are invasion
and rebellion, are not present in Maguindanao.
Ampatuan Jr. had tried to implicate
the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and
nobody believed him. The Ampatuans have
been known to be Arroyo’s warlords and
therefore could not be genuinely identified
as rebels otherwise this move will again
end up on Arroyo’s doorsteps.
The constitution says the President has to
report to a joint session of Congress 48
hours after the declaration of Martial Law.
The Congress with a simple majority vote
can revoke the declaration of Martial Law.
Again this gives Mrs. Arroyo a breathing
space – the Congress especially its lower
house will unashamedly give Mrs. Arroyo
their approval for Maguindanao Martial
Law and then they can have their pork
barrels which have been withheld up to
the present.
The problem of the Arroyos’ allies
in the lower house is that they
have to make the decision to support
her which means making the
unpopular position not good with
the elections of 2010 coming.
Furthermore Maguindanao is a
known stronghold of the MILF and
they have been waging rebellion
for decades and peace talks have
just restarted. This explains the
words “except for some places in
Maguindanao” Martial Law is effected.
And to put more salt to the
wounds of the Ampatuans, the
Commission on Audit (COA) has
finally seen that the wealth,
money in vaults, fleet of luxurious
cars and more than two dozens
mansions do not correspond to
the income of the clan most of
whom are politicians. But actually
the findings will be used later
against the clan if they insist on
divulging what they know about
Mrs. Arroyo and the Ruling Party
in 2004 and 2007 elections respectively.
The November 23 and May 2010 and Beyond
Have all the above mentioned
points led to the declaration of
Martial Law in Maguindanao? Not
so. The gruesome November 23
Massacre was a disaster waiting
to happen. Mrs. Arroyo has created
the monsters and the monsters
have known no limit to
crimes they can commit. They
have been doing this kind of
crime in the past and the only
difference was that they were
done to smaller number of people
and less known entities. The
disaster might be for us and
maybe for the monsters but as
the trend now says it can be another
opportunity to answer another
question for Mrs. Arroyo –
her exit plan.
With Congress secured
in her pockets and the Departments
of Justice, National
Defense and Interior and Local
government they can create
situation similar to November 23
event in other parts of the country.
And the Arroyo regime can
depend on people like Teddy
Locsin the divided CBCP/Church
and Bankers to justify its Martial
Law as the last resort or whatever.
And at the end of the day,
many of us have been made to
believe that she is running for
Congress in the Second District
of Pampanga. And looking into
the eyes of Secretaries Puno,
Gonzales and Devenadera one
can say that Mrs. Arroyo and
themselves have more years to
stay put in their respective positions.
Only that they are more
powerful than before.
Martial
Law in Maguindanao is indeed an
answer to another question. And
by the time many of us will know
the answer, Mrs. Arroyo changes
the question. Or lift up the Martial
Law in Maguindanao only to
declare it again in other vote-rich
province in the country. What
matters most is that it has set
the historical precedence.
Photo: Members of the Young Advocates for Peace
and Solidarity (YAPS) in Cotabato City joined
in a vigil protest to call for Justice to the victims
of the November 23 massacre and against
the Martial Law in Maguindanao.
By Richard Solis, IIRE-Manila, December 11, 2009
A Rare Broad Left Study-Seminar in the Philippines
Last December 1-2, 2009 a study-seminar
among the Broad Left in the Philippines was
conducted at the Balay Kalinaw inside the
University of the Philippine Campus. The
theme of the study-seminar is “Rebuilding
and Revitalizing the Philippine Left: Some
Major Considerations”. It made use the
book of Martha Harnecker– Rebuilding the
Left, as point of reference for the discussion
which provides some degree of relevance to
the current situation of the Philippine left,
although some disagreed with some points in
the book, while, others disagreed also to
some points from the individual discussant.
The study-seminar was attended and participated
by various Rejectionists and progressive
groups in the Philippines, from the underground movements, legal and independent
movements. Those who attended are
from the Partido ng Manggagawang Pilipino
(PMP), Marxist Leninist Caucus (MLC), Rebolusyonaryong
Partido ng Manggagawa-
Mindanao (RPMM) and Rebolusyonaryong
Partido ng Manggagawa-Pilipinas (RPMP) dele
Cruz group. Other groups such as AKBAYAN,
SANLAKAS, Partido ng Manggagawa,
Partido Lakas ng Masa, Kilusan para sa Pambansang
Demokrasya (KPD), PADAYON,
Alab Katipunan, Focus on the Global South,
Freedom from Debt Coalition, UNURKA,
FILDEM, IRDF, among others. Known Left
personalities like Dodong and Princess Nemenso
were also present during the Study–Seminar. A known figure in the international
solidarity left movement from France, Pierre
Rousset, was also present and was
tasked for the deepening of discussions.
The activity was initiated by the Institute
for Popular Democracy (IPD) particularly
through the efforts of Tina Ebro.
The forum was divided into four discussion
parts with its respective discussants
in connection with parts of the book of
Harnecker, to wit: Part one, “The Left
and the New World” with Walden Bello,
Tina Ebro and Milo Tanchuling; part two,
“The Crisis of the Party and Why We
Need a New Left” with Prof. Ed Tadem,
Ed dela Torre, Rasty Deliso and Kiko
Isaac; part three, “The New Political
Instrument” with Manjet Lopez, Reihana
Mohideen, Ronald Llamas, Gina dela Cruz and
Gerry Pasetes; and, part four, “Reform and
Revolution: The Bolivarian Revolutionary
Process” with Frank Pascual, Ric Reyes, Joel
Rocamora and Sonny Melencio. In all discussion
parts, Comrade Pierre made the deepening
and synthesis and made concrete examples
from their experience in building a new
left organization in France.
During the 2-day forum, it became apparent
that various groups still have different tracks
for projecting social change; this despite the
fact that all participants adhere to Marxism as
the philosophical basis. Even Prof. Ed Tadem,
who almost completely criticized all the fundamental
principles such as class analysis,
democratic centralism, vanguardism, etc. of
the Communist Party organization, conclude
that those are not anymore relevant in the
present context but said that there is a need
to go back to basic Marxism to reassess these
concepts.
Especially on the second day, after the topics
on the “New Political Instrument” and
“Reform and Revolution: the Bolivarian Revolutionary
Process”, almost all the participants
spoke with their respective thoughts. Comrades
from Mindanao raised the points that
ground work and mass work is still the effective
way to establish foundation for a “New
Political Instrument”. One of the participants
also explained that the project for the
“Transitional Revolutionary Government
(TRG)” still probable especially with the possible
collaboration from the Magdalo group
and other restive members of the Armed
Forces of the Philippines (AFP). One thing
that the movement must ensure will be the
defense of the gains and victories.
It was raised that a unified broad left is still
capable in pursuing the seizure of state political
power, however building blocks should
first be establish from below through the
building of “organs of political power” by a revolutionary
mass movement where the masses
could exercise democratically the alternative
governance. It was clarified that these “organs
of political power” does not mean the traditional
“provisionary revolutionary government or
PRG” but rather legitimate political units such
as the barangay up to the province and national
level with due consideration to the
legitimate political structure for the Bangsamoro
and other national minorities.
Further, it was emphasized the need for the
elders of the movement to jointly put their
ideological, political and organizational wisdom
together into common and objective
agenda that will serve as line of march for the
broad left especially for the younger generations.
Accordingly, formulation and agreeing
of protocols in the conduct of the respective
organizational projects will eliminate unproductive
competition and antagonistic tendencies
among the parties and organizations.
The study-seminar was concluded with optimism
in the continuing search for the alternative
unified left and effort to sustain relationships
among the rejectionist groups. Perhaps,
the latest activity resurrected the spirit of
belongingness among the RJ groups in advancing
common political project.
* Being an open, democratic, pluralist and progressive
institution, the IIRE-Manila also participated
in the Study-Seminar.
The IIRE-Manila
"IN THE
SERVICE OF
ALL
PROGRESSIVE
FORCES IN THE
PHILIPPINES, IN ASIA
AND THE WORLD”
The institute can comfortably accommodate
18 guests in a cheaper rate per day.
The IIRE-Manila
80-A Malumanay Street,
Teacher’s Village West,
Diliman, Quezon City,
Philippines
Phone/Fax: (02) 434 -7351
Email: iiremanila iire.org
Website: www.iiremanila.org