This question is on the lips of many Umno members on the eve of the party’s annual assembly and a week before Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak takes over from Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as the prime minister.

The answer appears to be that both controversial figures could have a role to play in the new administration.
Their supporters in the party have been lobbying hard for Dr Mahathir to be made a senior advisor in Umno and for Daim to be appointed the economic advisor to the government.

The main thrust of their case: Dr Mahathir and Tun Daim steered the country out of the two recessions in 1986 and 1998 and their expertise should be tapped by Najib now that Malaysia is in the throes of another economic slowdown.

Both men have not been shy to flag their credentials of late, with the usually taciturn Daim giving several interviews on the global economic crisis and suggesting the road map to recovery for Malaysia.

Supporters of the former finance minister have also been reaching out to offer interview slots to selected journalists.

The move to bring Dr Mahathir and Tun Daim back will gain some traction this week during the Umno assembly with a delegate from the Kota Baru division expected to propose for the duo to made advisor to Umno and economic advisor to the government respectively.

If the proposal is made, it is likely to be given serious consideration by Najib given that Kota Baru is helmed by his political secretary, Datuk Fatmi Salleh, and that Najib’s philosophy in running Umno and the government is to be inclusive and make space for different viewpoints and personalities.

One of the lessons Najib’s camp learnt from the Abdullah years is not to alienate powerful individuals or groups in Umno.

If possible, these discordant voices should be embraced or given a platform to express their views.

Dr Mahathir launched a bitter attack on Abdullah and his family because he felt that his legacy was being undone by the prime minister.

He was also angry at being frozen out after he retired, telling friends that he should have been consulted on policies.

The continuous attacks since 2005 were instrumental in damaging Abdullah’s standing in Umno and his image in the run-up to the general elections in 2008.

After the polls, he stepped up the pressure on Abdullah to resign as party president and prime minister.

When it appeared that he was making little headway, he quit the party in protest, saying that he would only consider rejoining the party once Abdullah left the scene.

In recent days, Dr Mahathir has signaled that he is not likely to go away quietly, advising Najib on the type of ministers he should appoint and lambasting the Umno disciplinary board for missing an opportunity to clean up the party by finding more election candidates guilty of money
politics.

He also accused Chinese educationists for blocking national integration efforts by the government.

The former prime minister has been angling for the creation of a council of advisors to the Umno president with him as the chief advisor.

In all likelihood, he is going to get his way. Najib cannot afford to have the former prime minister sniping away at him from the sidelines.

For Tun Daim, if he is invited to become an economic advisor to the government, this will be the third time that he is part of a team handling an economic crisis.

He was a greenhorn in government when the slump in global commodity prices hit Malaysia badly in the mid-1980s.

After the economy recovered, he quit government in 1991.

Dr Mahathir invited him back as a special advisor during the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. He was instrumental in the merger of the financial institutions and the daily operations of the National Economic Action Council.

He quit suddenly in 2001, prompting speculation of a major disagreement with Dr Mahathir over policy differences.

Admired as a deal maker and problem solver, Tun Daim has his share of detractors.

They blame him for the skewed implementation of the New Economic Policy, namely the development of a group of Malay corporate captains who were over reliant on government largesse.