Introduction

The following discussion was written based on
interviews conducted by Jurnal Bersatu (Journal of
Unity) editorial staff with a number of people’s
organisations. The spectrum and “political
groupings” along with the sectors and class of
organisation were several of the considerations in
the choice of the groups that were interviewed.
Nevertheless there were two organisations – the
People’s Movement Alliance for Agrarian Reform
(AGRA) and the United People’s Party (PPR) who on
the eve of the publication of this journal were
unable to be interviewed.

Labour organisations

Sastro, Chairperson Workers Challenge Alliance
(ABM)

Indonesia’s economic situation is deteriorating
because of the existence of imperialism through
economic liberalisation. In the labour field, this
economic liberalism is manifesting itself in systems
of labour market flexibility, which are practiced
through revising regulations, in particular the
packet of three labour laws. One of the impacts of
this is the legalising of contract labour and
outsourcing, which continues to decimate workers,
for example, through mass dismissals.

Urgent issues facing the labour movement

There are three labour issues that are urgent: 1)
opposing systems of contract labour and outsourcing;
2) increasing wages and; 3) the freedom of
association. The problems of outsourcing and
contract labour are central, because these systems
result in low wages and the loss of workers’ other
rights such as food allowances and so forth.

The current state of the labour movement

The concerns of the working class in response to the
poor labour conditions has stimulated the
consolidation of the labour movement. ABM itself is
one example of this. The ABM has produced an anti-
neoliberalism program that contains four basic
ideas: 1) the repudiation of the foreign debt; 2)
the nationalisation of vital state assets; 3) the
development of a strong national industry and; 4)
the eradication of corruption and the seizure of
corruptors’ assets for the people. So there is a
green light for unity among the labour movements in
Indonesia.

Aims of the struggle

The aim of the struggle for Sastro is the working
class gaining power, because as long as this power
is in the hands of a regime that is anti-worker and
anti-people, no matter how good the concepts or laws
that are proposed it will undoubtedly be defeated
politically. In order to confront this, the labour
movement needs its own party, that is a working
class party, rather than joining the existing
parties, because the politics of these partes are
not the politics of the working class and by joining
them it will result in us being dragged into their
politics.

Building a party requires patience and a process.
Currently, where the struggle is still being carried
out by mass organisations or trade unions, this
stage requires producing advanced cadre though trade
unions. It is this cadre that will go on to build a
future labour party. If a labour party already
exists, will it want to take the road to revolution
or electoralism, that is one of the choices that
will be considered.

Labour movement unity

In its tactics or program, there are actually
similarities between the various trade unions that
already exist, so its not an obstacle to unity. The
obstacles are: 1) cooption of sections of the trade
union leadership for the interests of the elite that
results in the compartmentalisation of the labour
movement. But this is something that is currently
improving, because there is pressure from below, the
interests of which are indeed different from the
interests of the elite; 2) the problem of existence
that is still high, and; 3) the problem of trust.
This last issue is in fact not easy to overcome. For
example, the tendency is that the ABM is often seen
as radical and the culture of ABM’s actions are
different from those that are usually undertaken by
other trade unions, which has indeed generated a
kind of gap. But actually this may very well be very
easy to straighten out.

Building unity just through meetings at the elite
level is difficult, because the elite find it
difficult to issue instructions to the lower levels,
whether they be to the provincial level or
industrial zones. So, these national meetings should
be strengthened by meetings at lower levels, so that
unity truly becomes a mutual necessity and is
maintained jointly. Aside from this, meetings should
be programmatic in character and not just about
tactics or actions. Meaning there are specific
targets as well as time frames for their fulfilment,
so that they can be jointly evaluated and the
weaknesses jointly corrected.

Now, in order to achieve the aim of working class
power, the working class cannot do this alone and
must cooperate with farmers, fisherpeople, students
and progressive intellectuals who are in accord with
the working class. The things that can be done to
make this a reality are: 1) preparing or registering
advanced cadres from various regions to be united
within a party, and 2) each sector formulate its
individual concepts as a joint platform. The other
issue that needs to be considered is discussing and
debating the concept of national industrialisation,
that up until now has not been elaborated upon
properly.

The need for a political party

There is actually an urgent need for a political
party, because the absence of a working class
political party disorientates the working class.
Within trade unions or the mass bass itself they are
actually already fed up with the parties and forces
that exist. Several times now those in power have
been replaced, but there is still no change, whereas
the current economic situation is getting no easier.
It’s just that the legacy of Suharto’s New Order
regime still creates illusions among the lower and
working classes that they can only work, they cannot
hold political power. In addition to this, there are
also illusions in the “entrapments” of the existing
parties, such as the populist appearance of certain
parties.

Then there is the discourse about the need for a
political party that that is taking place within the
movement itself, which is actually flowering, even
in the regions, and which has been very much helped
by the direct election of regional heads (pilkada).
But what is becoming a problem is precisely the
doubts within the movement itself. Similarly, there
is often talk within the movement that a party is
just jargon, but has failed in its implementation.
What is needed is to talk about a party in a way
that is simple and non-jingoistic, so it can be
understood and generate a positive response from the
people.

The 2009 elections

Sastro is pessimistic about the 2009 legislative and
presidential elections, because while it already
very close the movements have yet to prepare
themselves for the moment. Now with regard to
elements of the movement who are interested in
taking part in the elections, such as the National
Liberation Party of Unity (Papernas) or plans by
activists to join the large parties, they have a
very small chance of passing verification or winning
if they are not supported by the movement. Even if
they succeed in becoming members of the House of
Representatives (DPR) or the Regional House of
Representatives (DPRD), how does the movement
control them, in order that they are not controlled
by the existing bourgeois parties. No matter how
leftist an activist is, if there is no control by a
collective with a strong mass basis, then it is very
possible that they will completely dragged into
bourgeois politics. Departing from the two
conditions above, there are two choice that can be
taken with regard to the 2009 elections, that is to
boycott the elections or secondly, to question the
existing political conditions, such as the law on
political parties.