Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières
Since the beginning of modern historiography Ukrainian history has been treated differently to that of other countries. The ideological pressure of the occupying state USSR as well as hostile Russian and Polish diaspora organizations supported a biased approach towards Ukrainian history, (…)
, by KARPENKO Andriy
The era of global capitalism did not bring an end to nations and nationalism; indeed our current period has very much seen a return of the national question. Movements for greater self-government and independence in varied forms exist from the Kurdish struggle, the Scottish independence (…)
, by MUKHA Olha, PUTO Kaja
In this interview, Ukrainian Philosopher Olha Mukha discusses the war in Ukraine, the issue of Russian imperialism (or colonialism) in Western perceptions, and Ukrainian national memory.
Krytyka Polityczna: Is Russia a colonial country in the Western sense?
Olha Mukha: For a long time, the (…)
, by BĚLIČEK Ondřej , HAVRYSHKO Marta
In this exclusive interview, Ukrainian historian Marta Havryshko sheds light on the complex and controversial history of Ukraine during World War II. She discusses the role of Ukrainian nationalists in collaborating with the Nazis, the myths surrounding Stepan Bandera, and the far right’s (…)
, by LE TRÉHONDAT Patrick
“During the days of February ... the Ukrainian soldiers of the Petrograd garrison were the first to side with the revolution, because we had suffered enough from the persecution of Ukrainians under the old regime”, a Ukrainian soldier stationed in the Russian capital later declared. N He was one (…)
As the Ukrainian population is predominantly peasant, land reform was at the heart of the economic policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The debate which took place opposed the ideas of global socialization and those of the distribution of land into small farms. The latter option meant that (…)
, by JOHNSON Mark
(...) That is why the Bolsheviks began to oppose the parliament democracy and put forward the slogan: “All power to the Soviets of workers and Soldiers’ Deputies”, which were elected based on non-universal, unequal, non-secret, and often not directly electoral rights; the population showed (…)
, by ISHCHENKO Volodymyr
Chris Hann’s essay serves as a valuable intervention against the tendency to normalize primordial ethnonationalism following the full-scale Russian invasion. It is not immune to the common pitfalls and omissions in the writings of many authors whose point of criticism is aimed primarily at the (…)
In early December 2013, I found myself on Kyiv’s Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square), holding a sign reading “Don’t Believe Politicians—Self-Organize!” as part of a protest with a small group of student activists. Weeks before, then-president of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych had refused to (…)
, by ISHCHENKO Serhii
The latest round of horrific bloodshed in Israel/Palestine prompts us to recall not only the sad fate of this troubled region, but also Jewish history. Today, everything related to Jewry and its past is “monopolized” by the State of Israel. But this was not always the case. In Eastern Europe, (…)
, by BULGAKOV Mikhail, FINER Emily
This is the first English translation of a little known essay by Mikhail Bulgakov (“Kiev – gorod”) originally published 100 years ago, in 1923. At that time, the Kyiv he portrayed was grappling with the aftermath of war, drought, famine, and infectious disease, but the text also reveals (…)
, by VELYCHENKO Stephen
Background.
At least 5.7 million of tsarist Ukraine’s population in 1917 were classfied as urban. Declared Russians were approximately 10% of the total population, 33% of the urban population, 43% of the population in the eight largest cities, and 52 per cent in the four largest cities. Of all (…)
, by FARBAR Kateryna
With the West’s support for Ukraine under scrutiny, a key figure in Ukraine’s disarmament issues a reminder
The West “closed its doors and promises” to Ukraine after its last nuclear warheads left in 1996, a key negotiator on the country’s international disarmament told openDemocracy.
That (…)
, by HIMKA John-Paul
The difference between the Stalinist and post-Stalinist policies of Russification is that Stalin dealt a series of spectacularly violent blows to the Ukrainian nation, while his successors intiated a relatively nonviolent but relentless and systematic program of reducing the sphere of Ukrainian (…)
Ukrainian writers and poets have, throughout history, played an important role in shaping Ukrainian identity especially during the most difficult days, when Ukrainian culture faced existential crisis from occupation by the Polish, Russian (Tsarist, Soviet and Republican) and Romanian (…)
, by FORD Christopher
Christopher Ford looks at the Ukrainian socialist tradition
The rediscovery of the Ukrainian socialist tradition is a key part of building solidarity with today’s Ukrainian freedom struggles. Ukraine’s vernacular left suffered not only extermination under Stalin and Hitler but a long (…)
, by After Silence, LE TRÉHONDAT Patrick
Officially ignored stories are kept silent: in family silences, more often than not, they are traumatic experiences linked to the past, in particular to the era of Soviet and National Socialist violence, but also to the Ukrainian present. “It is time to reveal what is hidden, to explore the (…)
, by HIMKA John-Paul
As many other nations, Ukrainians hoped to use the disintegration of the imperial order in the aftermath of World War I to establish their own state. Although Finns, Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians, and Poles managed that task, and other East European nations formed federations (Czechoslovakia (…)
, by HIMKA John-Paul
Who perpetrated the Lviv pogrom of July 1941?
The day after the proclamation of Ukrainian nationalist leader Yaroslav Stetsko’s state of Ukraine, on July 1, 1941, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) pasted posters around Lviv with Mykola Mikhnovsky’s slogan, “Ukraine for (…)
In March 1917 Ukrainian national-liberation movement formed Ukrainian Central Rada - an organization to self-govern Ukrainian affairs. Central Rada was formed by two radical-socialist parties. In its nature, Central Rada wasn’t a parliament, but rather a coalition of trade-unionists, feminist (…)
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