Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières
The Israeli military has weaponized a fleet of Chinese-manufactured commercial drones to attack Palestinians in parts of Gaza that it seeks to depopulate, an investigation by +972 Magazine and Local Call can reveal. According to interviews with seven soldiers and officers who served in the Strip, these drones are operated manually by troops on the ground, and are frequently used to bomb Palestinian civilians — including children — in an effort to force them to leave their homes or prevent them from returning to evacuated areas.
Soldiers most commonly use EVO drones, produced by the Chinese company Autel, which are primarily intended for photography and cost around NIS 10,000 (approximately $3,000) on Amazon. However, with a military-issued attachment known internally as an “iron ball,” a hand grenade can be affixed to the drone and dropped with the push of a button to detonate on the ground. Today, the majority of Israeli military companies in Gaza use these drones.
S., an Israeli soldier who served in the Rafah area this year, coordinated drone attacks in a neighborhood of the city that the army had ordered to be evacuated. During the nearly 100 days that his battalion operated there, soldiers conducted dozens of drone strikes, according to daily reports from his battalion commander that +972 and Local Call reviewed.
In the reports, all Palestinians killed were listed as “terrorists.” However, S. testified that aside from one person found with a knife and a single encounter with armed fighters, the scores of others killed — an average of one per day in his battalion’s combat zone — were unarmed. According to him, the drone strikes were carried out with the intent to kill, despite the majority of victims being located at such a distance from the soldiers that they could not have posed any threat.
“It was clear that they were trying to return to their homes — there’s no question,” he explained. “None of them were armed, and nothing was ever found near their bodies. We never fired warning shots. Not at any point.”
Because the Palestinians were killed far from where the soldiers were positioned, S. said that their corpses weren’t collected; instead, the army left them to be eaten by stray dogs. “You could see it on the drone footage,” he explained. “I couldn’t bring myself to watch a dog eating a body, but others around me watched it. The dogs have learned to run toward areas where there’s shooting or explosions — they understand it probably means there’s a body there.”
Soldiers testified that these drone strikes are often carried out against anyone entering an area the army has determined is off-limits to Palestinians — a designation that is never demarcated on the ground. Two sources used variations of the phrase “learning through blood” to describe the army’s expectation that Palestinians will come to understand these arbitrary boundaries after civilians are killed upon entering the area.
“There were many incidents of dropping grenades from drones,” said H., a soldier who served in the Nuseirat area in central Gaza. “Were they aimed at armed militants? Definitely not. Once a commander defines an imaginary red line that no one is allowed to cross, anyone who does is marked for death,” even just for “walking in the street.”
In several cases, S. said, Israeli troops deliberately targeted children. “There was a boy who entered the [off-limits] zone. He didn’t do anything. [Other soldiers] claimed to have seen him standing and talking to people. That’s it — they dropped a grenade from a drone.” In another incident, he said, soldiers tried to kill a child riding a bicycle a great distance away from them.
“In most cases, there was nothing you could tell yourself,” S. continued. “There was no way to complete the sentence, ‘We killed them because…’”
A., an officer who was involved in operations around Khan Younis this year, said that a primary goal of these attacks was to ensure that neighborhoods were emptied, or remained empty, of Palestinians. In June, his unit flew a drone into a residential area that the army had ordered to be evacuated the previous month. Soldiers stood at the city’s outskirts, watching a small screen showing live footage from the drone to see who was still in the neighborhood.
“Whoever they spot, they kill,” A. testified. “If people are moving around there — it’s a threat.” He said the assumption is that any civilian who remained in the area after evacuation orders “is either not innocent or will learn through blood [that they must leave].”
Earlier this month, the Palestinian journalist Younis Tirawi published footage he had obtained of one of these drones dropping a grenade, which according to him targeted civilians in the Netzarim Corridor in northern Gaza. On the drone controller screen, the text “Iron ball drop device” appears. Based on the interface design and additional images reviewed by +972 and Local Call, there is strong evidence that the drone was an Autel model.
‘It resembles a miniature airport’
According to soldiers who spoke to +972 and Local Call, the main benefit of using commercial drones like the EVO model manufactured by Autel is that they are vastly cheaper than the military-grade equivalents. For example, the Elbit Hermes 450 model (also known as “Zik”) operated by the Israeli Air Force costs around $2 million per drone. The commercial models can also be quickly re-armed, and are operated on the ground by soldiers using joysticks, without requiring approval from a strike command center.
“The reason everyone is using them now is that they’re dirt cheap,” said L., who served in Gaza last year. “From an infantry perspective, suddenly you can use way more firepower, much more easily.”
Indeed, commercial drones converted into weapons have become common on modern battlefields because they offer a low-cost, accessible alternative to traditional airstrikes. Both Ukraine and Russia have used Chinese-made DJI drones in the current war in eastern Europe, outfitted with 3D-printed mounts to carry grenades and other explosives. In May, after China discovered that Ukraine was using commercial drones for military purposes, it banned their sale to the country, according to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
Hamas has also used explosive drones, both on October 7 and in operations against Israeli forces in Gaza. But at the start of the current war, the Israeli military had almost no cheap drones for its own ground forces. “Because Hamas attacked us with drones, everyone was talking from day one about how we didn’t have any,” said E., a soldier who served in Gaza shortly after October 7. “We tried to raise money to buy drones. Everyone got what they could.”
In the first months of the war, Israeli army units received ample donations from the general public, mostly in Israel and the United States. Alongside food and shampoo, drones were among the items that soldiers requested the most.
“Soldiers independently launched crowdfunding campaigns,” L. explained. “Our company received around NIS 500,000 (approximately $150,000) in donations, which we also used to buy drones.” C., another soldier, recalled being asked to sign thank-you letters to Americans who had donated EVO drones to his battalion.
In a Facebook group named “The Israeli Drone Pilots Community,” many posts request EVO drone donations for units in Gaza. Multiple pages on Headstart (an Israeli crowdfunding startup) were also created to independently raise funds for drone purchases.
Eventually, the army began supplying drones directly to soldiers. As the Israeli outlet Globes previously reported, the military placed orders for thousands of Chinese-made drones, including models produced by Autel. Initially, these drones were used for reconnaissance: scanning buildings before soldiers entered them. But over time, more units received “iron ball” devices from the army and converted drones from intelligence tools into deadly weapons.
While the army normally deploys
Ben-Yishai quoted a military officer who explained that these devices are doing the work of enforcing the army’s expulsion orders, and that the army automatically labels as a terrorist anyone who remains. “A few days ago, we told civilians to evacuate this area,” the officer said, referring to the Gaza City neighborhoods of Al-Daraj, Al-Tuffah, and Shuja’iyyah. “Tens of thousands did move toward central Gaza. So anyone still here can no longer be considered an ‘uninvolved civilian.’”
‘One or two die, and the rest understand’
On June 13, a few weeks after the Israeli army had ordered the evacuation of much of Khan Younis, 27-year-old Mohammed returned to the city with several other young men to check on the condition of their homes. When they reached the city center, a drone dropped an explosive on them. “I ran to a wall to protect myself, but some of the young men were wounded,” he told +972 and Local Call. “It was terrifying.”
Mohammed is one of several Palestinians from Khan Younis who told +972 and Local Call that the Israeli army is using armed drones to enforce evacuation orders in the city — displacing residents and then preventing their return.
Displaced Palestinians return to what is left of their homes in the Shuja’iyya neighborhood, east of Gaza City, January 28, 2025. (Yousef Zaanoun/Activestills)
The army’s official plans involve displacing and concentrating Gaza’s 2 million residents in the southern part of the Strip, first in Al-Mawasi and now on the ruins of Rafah. This aligns with Israeli political leaders’ explicit intent to implement the so-called “Trump Plan” and expel Palestinians from Gaza.
Meanwhile, in northern Gaza, several residents told +972 and Local Call that they were recently forced to flee their homes after drones began targeting random people in their neighborhoods. Palestinians in Gaza commonly refer to these drones as “quadcopters” due to their four propellers.
Reem, a 37-year-old from the neighborhood of Shuja’iyya in Gaza City, said she decided to flee south after a drone killed her neighbors. “In March, the army flew quadcopters above us that broadcast messages ordering us to evacuate,” she recounted. “We saw them drop explosives on tents to burn them. It terrified me, and I waited until nightfall to leave my home and evacuate.”
Yousef, 45, described a similar incident on May 11 when Israeli drones — which he described as “surprisingly small” — dropped explosives “in different areas of Jabalia to force residents to flee.” After defying Israel’s evacuation orders for months, this was the incident that led him to flee his home and move south.
Drones have also been reported to have targeted residents near humanitarian aid centers. Mahmoud, 37, told +972 and Local Call that when he went from Khan Younis to an aid distribution center near Rafah on June 23, “a quadcopter dropped a bomb on a group of people. Dozens were injured, and we ran away.”
The testimonies from soldiers interviewed for this article line up with previous reporting that the army has marked certain areas of Gaza as “kill zones,” where any Palestinian who enters is shot dead. Soldiers told +972 and Local Call that the use of drones has expanded the size of these kill zones from the range of light firearms to the range of a drone flight — which can extend up to several kilometers.
Palestinians at the site of an Israeli airstrike in the Jabalia area, northern Gaza, June 1, 2025. (Khalil Kahlout/Flash90)
“There’s an imaginary line, and anyone who crosses it dies,” S. explained. “You expect them to understand this in blood, because there’s no other way — no one marks that line anywhere.” He said the size of the zone was “a few kilometers,” but that it changed constantly.
“You send a drone up 200 meters high, and you can see three to four kilometers in every direction,” said Y., another soldier who served in Rafah. “You patrol like that: you see someone approaching, the first one gets hit with a grenade, and after that, the word spreads. One or two more come, and they die. The rest understand.”
S. said that drone fire was directed at people who were walking “suspiciously.” According to him, the general policy in his battalion was that someone who “walks too fast is suspicious because he’s fleeing. Someone who walks too slowly is also suspicious because [it suggests] he knows he’s being watched, so he’s trying to act normal.”
Soldiers testified that grenades were also dropped from drones at people who were considered to be “messing with the ground” — a term the army originally used for militants launching rockets, but which over time has expanded to incriminate people for something as simple as bending over.
“That’s the ace: the moment I say ‘messing with the ground,’ I can do anything,” S. explained. “One time, I saw people picking up clothes. They were walking incredibly slowly, skimming the edge of the [off-limits] zone, and stepped 20 meters in to collect clothes from the rubble of a house. You could see that’s what they were doing — and they were shot.”
“This technology has made killing much more sterile,” H. said. “It’s like a video game. There’s a crosshair in the middle of the screen, and you see a video image. You’re hundreds of meters away, [sometimes] even a kilometer or more. Then you play with the joystick, see the target, and drop [a grenade]. And it’s even kind of cool. Except this video game kills people.”
Autel did not respond to +972 and Local Call’s request for comment. In the past, the company stated that it “opposes the use of drone products for military uses that violate human rights,” after the U.S. Congress accused it of supporting Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and helping China suppress Uyghurs and other minorities.
Before publication, +972 and Local Call sent multiple emails to Autel requesting their comment on the investigation. After the article was published, the company responded to express its “strong shock and condemnation toward any action that leads to civilian casualties, violates international humanitarian law, or undermines the rights of innocent individuals in conflict zones.
“As a technology company committed to the peaceful use of innovation, we find the prospect of our products being associated — even mistakenly — with violence against civilians to be utterly unacceptable. Autel Robotics has never sold drones to any users in the Israeli region, including but not limited to the Israeli military or Ministry of Defense … We categorically reject any implication that Autel Robotics knowingly or negligently enabled the use of our drones in military operations or civilian harm. Any such actions would have occurred without our knowledge, authorization, or consent.”
Although detailed questions were sent to the IDF Spokesperson, they initially declined to answer them. After publication, a response was sent that does not specifically address the allegations in the article and states: “The IDF categorically rejects the allegations that it is acting intentionally to harm uninvolved people. Army orders explicitly prohibit shooting at uninvolved people. The IDF is committed to international law and allegations of violation of the law and orders will be thoroughly examined by the authorized mechanisms in the IDF.”
Yuval Abraham
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