Struggle for Democracy

In the federal election, the AfD doubled its result nationwide. In all East German federal states [Länder], it became the strongest force, winning almost all constituencies directly – some with over 50 per cent. Even in the West, the AfD now achieves double-digit results across the board. In recent years, it has marginalised and absorbed other neo-Nazi actors, providing the extreme right with a political home, a platform, and sources of income. In many places, local alliances with the AfD are already everyday reality – over 100 cooperations exist at municipal level, across all parties. The question is no longer whether, but when the AfD will become a real option for power at federal level. We are in the midst of a fascisation process whose outcome is open in both directions. The AfD will do everything to present itself as a coalition-capable force. Whether this succeeds depends not only on its self-disguise as a bourgeois party, but also on how resolutely we as a society stand against it – with clear strategies, political courage, and social cohesion. Anyone who wants to strengthen democracy must also regain people’s trust in politics.

The political influence of large corporations must be exposed and criticised. At the same time, credible alternative models are needed, which we strongly promote in the party. Our lobby is not companies, corporations, and tech giants – it is people and movements that build society from below.

We must counteract the image of purchasable politics. To regain trust, clear and credible signals are needed – such as limiting the terms of office, capping politicians’ salaries, and full transparency regarding additional income and party donations.

Class politics instead of disillusionment: Many feel unheard and unrepresented. This is precisely where we begin: with concrete support like “Die Linke hilft” [The Left Helps – party initiative] and with organising politics – in the workplace, in the neighbourhood, in schools, everywhere daily life and inequality meet. Defending democracy means questioning power relations – and making lived alternatives visible.

Culture War from the Left

Effective resistance against the AfD and the societal shift to the right requires more than defence – it requires an offensive, left-wing culture war: Who determines the values, norms, and worldviews of our society? What makes antifascism a matter of course? We need a broadly based counter-design to right-wing ideology – one that permeates all areas of life: science, culture, education, the economy, and especially the world of work. At the centre is the question: What does a good life for everyone look like – and what kind of society creates the foundation for solidarity, social justice, and genuine democratic participation? But equally crucial is: Who prevents this society? Who divides, excludes, dismantles social rights – and why are precisely these forces the enemies of democracy?

This requires:

– Strong educational work: Antifascist and democratic attitudes must be specifically strengthened and right-wing ideologies actively pushed back. Political education must not only aim at enlightenment and agitation against the right, but must be understood as a process of empowerment: to recognise social conditions and be able to change them. It’s not just about resistance against Nazis, but about education that liberates us from capitalism.

– Strong workplaces: Mistrust is also growing in the world of work – towards the state, politics, but also towards trade unions. As leftists, we must support trade unionists in actively leading debates about this in the workplaces. Success lies not only in results, but in the process – in joint action and change. When colleagues feel they can achieve something together – whether through strikes, collective bargaining, or other forms of resistance – the mood in the workplace changes. This feeling of self-efficacy is what we must strengthen. Unity instead of division means that we all stand together for something. Only in this way can we counter the authoritarian and divisive forces from the right.

– Strong antifa alliances: The Left must not be absent from large alliances such as Unteilbar [Indivisible – German anti-racism movement] or “Hand in Hand” [anti-racism initiative]. Often these alliance processes involve enormous effort that is not always proportionate to the result. At corresponding major events, criticism of participating government parties hardly gets through or leads to displeasure. Nevertheless, these events are a space of visibility, empowerment, and networking. They will not immediately prevent the strengthening of the AfD, but they are crucial for opinion-forming processes. The Left must be a mouthpiece and critical voice in them beyond nominal democracy praise. A left-wing culture war in all areas of life means having the courage to oppose all authoritarian thinking and action, to spread hope and strengthen oneself to fight for a better life concept – like socialism.

Social Antifascism

The struggle against fascism is inseparably connected with social justice. Anyone who fights right-wing ideologies also fights for affordable rents, cheap local transport, and a pension that provides a living. Our strategy relies on proximity and participation: We go to people, listen, conduct conversations at the front door, organise tenants’ meetings, and convince through direct exchange.

This requires a clear and unifying campaign that works for city and countryside. With flexible, adaptable components, comrades can select locally what suits their region and get started immediately. Our answers to social division, climate crisis, and shift to the right must be tangible in people’s everyday lives. For politics that provides immediate relief whilst simultaneously investing in a solidary future. This includes concrete demands such as introducing rent controls, reducing or capping electricity and energy prices, or introducing a windfall profit tax. In drained rural regions, it’s accessible local supply and spaces for social togetherness and culture. Affordable housing, investments in education and health, climate-friendly local transport that also works in rural areas and small towns, a training offensive that secures skilled workers, and an immigration society that is participatory. An armaments industry that is converted to civilian production and builds buses and trains instead of tanks. Tomorrow begins today – with demands that are universally applicable.

A Strategy for the East

In East Germany [former German Democratic Republic territory], especially in rural regions and smaller towns, right-wing hegemony prevails. Right-wing crimes, hostility, and trivialisation by local politicians have solidified extremely right-wing milieus. The lack of prospects in many regions, intensified by deindustrialisation and neoliberal politics, has led to a deep feeling of powerlessness that reinforces distance from the political system. The party needs a strategy for the East that doesn’t only pursue long-term goals. Active support for comrades engaged in local politics is central – they are often the first line of defence against right-wing dominance. Targeted building of local alliances with civil society actors, initiatives, and trade unions is needed. Classical antifascist practice – from presence on the street to documenting right-wing incidents – remains indispensable. It offers immediate protection for those affected and creates spaces where antifascist culture remains experiential. Our allies are those who stand for democracy and human dignity. Especially from the major cities, it must be a matter of course to provide support when extreme right-wing or conservative forces attack locally. It requires clever alliance politics that pragmatically assesses local power relations instead of getting lost in distinctions. In many places in the East, it’s about defending the last piece of “normality” against progressive fascisation.

Even though developments worry us: The struggle against the right is not lost. There are spaces for manœuvre that we can and must use. If we as leftists show concrete, social-political perspectives, build sustainable alliances, and develop long-term strategies for the path to a solidary, socialist society, then we also create headwinds. We are the hope. The force that shows: Things can be different. We can lose many things, but not this struggle.

Inva Halili is a trade unionist and on the board of Die Linke [The Left party] in Berlin-Mitte [central district of Berlin].

Jule Nagel is a member of the Saxon State Parliament [Landtag of Saxony federal state]. She won a direct mandate three times in succession in the Leipzig-South constituency. She is co-founder of the open parliamentary and project office linXXnet, which has existed since 2000. The linXXnet has throughout its history repeatedly been part of and motor for projects and cooperations with Central and Eastern European leftists.