A leader of the Intersyndical Militant Network (RMI) [a trade union activist network] of Québec Solidaire was completely flabbergasted by what he called a “dramatic turn of events” at the last National Council of Québec Solidaire in early April, when “the party leadership [allowed] a resolution proposed by the Intersyndical Militant Network and supported by the Viau and NDG associations to pass, advocating the launch of a public campaign against the right-wing tide.”

Here is the essential wording of this proposal:

We propose
• that Québec Solidaire resolutely support, through a public campaign both in parliament and in the streets, the ongoing social mobilisations and promote their convergence in a united front of struggles against anti-unionism, particularly Bill 89, austerity and the far right.
• that launching such a public campaign against the right-wing tide is the best way to mobilise our members, activate our regional and local structures, and increase our popular support.

This proposal was complemented by three emergency resolutions supporting union campaigns against Amazon and Bill 89, from the RMI, and the ongoing strike at Quebec’s publicly fundedchildcare centres (CPE). The resolution for the campaign was “strongly supported by the vast majority of speakers at the microphone [and] adopted with a substantial majority.” The scenario was repeated for the three emergency resolutions “whilst the national leadership tacitly approved these resolutions”.

The RMI activist analysed: “[t]his is quite a volte-face for a national leadership that until very recently was steadfastly claiming that the only way out of multiple internal crises and the party’s plummeting in the polls was through political pragmatism and programmatic recentring.” The analyst wondered: “But is this the beginning of a strategic shift or simply a change in rhetoric?” Then remarked: “For about fifteen years, party spokespersons always held a press conference at the end of national meetings. That wasn’t the case this time, as there wasn’t even a simple press release. Moreover, nothing was announced internally...” All that remained for him to conclude was that the RMI had trapped itself with a proposal for a political campaign that committed to nothing except corroborating what the party leadership was already accomplishing.

The Art of Breaking Down Open Doors to Roll Out the Red Carpet for the Leadership

The party had mobilised a contingent for both the 8 March demonstration against Trumpism organised by the Mothers at the Front [“Mères au front” is a Québec environmental activist group of mothers concerned about climate change] at the US consulate in Montreal, and then mobilised in the same way for the citizens’ demonstration “Resist Donald Trump’s Threats” in early May, not to mention the conference with Jean-Luc Mélenchon (LFI - France) denouncing the far right. As for Amazon, well before the announcement of the anti-union closure of its distribution centres in Québec, “Québec Solidaire [in June 2023] submitted a petition with more than 7,100 signatures calling for an investigation into working conditions in Amazon warehouses.”

Then it mobilised a contingent for the February demonstration launching the union campaign whilst tabling “a motion asking the government to stop granting additional public funds to Amazon, a motion rejected by the government.” Immediately denounced by Solidaire MPs as “revenge for the public sector strike last year”, whilst the union movement was organising a week of mobilisation against Bill 89, Québec Solidaire wrested from Minister Boulet a commitment “not to use his dangerous Bill 89 to break the strike of CPE workers [...] a first retreat by this government...”.

Add to that the mobilisation of a contingent against Stablex [a hazardous waste treatment company] and for the CPEs and for Earth Day. It’s hard to keep up. Through its letters to members, the party leadership invites them to a series of Zoom meetings to “update its programme” and to join the new Political Action Committees (CAPs). The RMI’s resolution for a political campaign appears quite tepid compared to this concrete flow of mobilising activities for members, both external and internal. Obviously, at the National Council in early April, the party leadership welcomed with open arms this breaking down of open doors in order to roll out a red carpet for them! This kind of resolution that the National Council adopted by a large majority without opposition from the leadership and the MPs serves them and undermines the cause of the party’s left wing whilst sowing confusion among its sympathisers. This resolution commits to nothing concrete because it contains no element of an action plan. Thus, it sugar-coats the pill for the leadership who can claim credit for it because the party not only already supports these struggles but has also called for mobilisations for them.

For example, one could have, at the very least, required all party organisations that delegate to the National Council to hold a general assembly of their members about this campaign to propose local action plans in addition to contributing to a national action plan to be synthesised at the next National Council in June. One could have demanded that this campaign occupy an important place at the party school in May. One could have asked that the spokesperson’s intervention at the public assembly with Mélenchon focus on this campaign... which she did and would have done anyway since the united front against the right and against its concrete manifestations by the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) [the governing party in Québec led by François Legault] becomes obvious, especially for a party claiming to represent “workers”. In terms of demands, apart from Amazon and Bill 89, the feminist-union struggle for “care and connection” should have been highlighted, and absolutely the incredible Islamophobic and anti-Black stance of the CAQ, endorsed by [now Canadian Prime Minister] Mark Carney under the pretext of fundamentalism in some schools and desperate flights of Haitians escaping Trumpism.

The Alternative Disappears Behind the Routine of Social-Liberal Reforms

The left wing of the party, or part of it, does not seem to have understood that Québec Solidaire is a centre-left party that does its job relatively well. That’s not where the problem lies. The crucial issue is that the workers’ party presents them with no alternative societal project other than a series of reforms that could be described as social-liberal. Even these have become nebulous with the actual disappearance of its programme developed over a decade and its last electoral platform, documents that one will search for in vain on the party’s website... and even on the “central” reserved for members. They have been replaced by a dozen demands in four themes (under the “Our Proposals” tab), all desirable reforms as long as they are precise — note the poverty of the so-called “green” component and the disappearance of independence — but by no means a societal project.

Given that the crucial contradiction of the 21^st century is the ecological one centred on climate and biodiversity issues, one is astounded to note Solidaire’s silence regarding the battery sector around Northvolt *[Note: Northvolt is a Swedish battery manufacturer with operations in Québec]*, the promotion of electric solo cars, and Hydro-Québec’s plan to increase electricity production by 50%. Except for asking for an environmental assessment (BAPE) and a bit more public transport outside the expensive and isolating car, QS has aligned itself body and soul behind the CAQ. The backbone of the socio-economic development strategy of the neoliberal parties and the social-liberal one becomes essentially the same, namely green capitalism with its mining extractivism but also that of hydrocarbons, which remains indispensable to the resulting energy orgy.

Ecological transition? Simple! Finance public transport!

Where is the Horizon of the Society of Care and Connection Carried by the “Social Strike”?

As the climate emergency, which we pretend to forget in these times of both military and tariff wars, will then require reducing atmospheric carbon through massive subsidised geo-engineering, public services and social programmes are condemned to permanent austerity that will be imposed with truncheons and worse. Don’t ask Québec Solidaire to promote a societal project of care and connection based on material degrowth, freed from the burden of household debt and the planned obsolescence of mass consumption. The cult of the solo car and the bungalow remains sacred, although these dreams manufactured by capitalist propaganda, called advertising, become inaccessible while creating many frustrations.

It is this fear of the alternative that explains Solidaire leadership’s truncated democracy towards its members. Forums are multiplied but framed by presentations that leave little room for the liberation of members’ voices. One need only take the time to examine the proceedings of this novelty that is the “Solidaire School 2025” to notice: members’ speech will be padlocked by a long list of speakers and presenters. One understands that a party so afraid of its own shadow contents itself with a well-defined political campaign, satisfied with being at the tail end of union demonstrations and Sunday speeches when holding a “meeting” with a master of the art. Whereas what is needed is to propose the construction of an anti-neofascist front targeting CAQ and Conservatives while criticising the Liberals who are nipping at their heels, and for which the “social strike” — this Quebec-style political strike — would be the horizon.

Marc Bonhomme, 25 April 2025
www.marcbonhomme.com; bonmarc videotron.ca