The Europe presented today is more of a geopolitical concept than a guarantee of material well-being. The primary ground for opposition—whether in theoretical discussions or practical protests—is rooted in nationalist sentiments rather than social substance. However, it is possible to reconcile these differences by aligning national interests with social and material well-being.
This political scenario is deeply unsettling for Ivanishvili. The Georgian Dream, accustomed to framing its legitimacy through geopolitical confrontations between Russia and Europe, has yet to face a conflict of this kind that highlights the social and political practices of these two geopolitical centers while exposing what people genuinely need: a strong state. Such a state would control public and natural resources and build robust social protection systems.
These systems would include nationalized strategic facilities (hospitals, hydroelectric plants, industries), natural resources (manganese, gold, copper, coal), and social goods (affordable student housing, scholarships tied to a living wage, established living wages, unemployment insurance, minimum wage regulations, lower medication costs, breaking market monopolies, capping high-interest loans, writing off existing debts, and reforming the construction sector to address homelessness). All these measures align with the class interests of the working people of Georgia.
The Georgian people strive for these goals, yet Ivanishvili is actively undermining them. He will continue to do so unless we confront his real agenda with clear and specific political demands today. In this dynamic, Ivanishvili currently holds an advantage, particularly given the consensus that the main milestone for European integration is set for 2028. However, he must act to create a turning point well before that date. If he fails to act, someone else will. This delay is a strategic error. If the ongoing public resistance begins to embrace the social content that European integration promises for the future, the process of integration will effectively start now, not in 2028.
If the future benefits outlined above are implemented today rather than postponed, the Georgian people will become economically and socially prepared to face any challenges. The harmful economic policies of the Georgian Dream and the current framing of social protest will undermine Ivanishvili’s confidence and that of his supporters. This will compel them to shift their political tactics—not by attacking and seizing resources from the people, forcing a fight for restitution, but by defending themselves and yielding to public demands. Social welfare demands will be the driving force behind this shift.
Ivanishvili will be forced into a defensive position. In such a state, he becomes vulnerable and more likely to make concessions. These concessions today will set the stage for advancing our interests tomorrow. Pursuing these interests at the state level would signify Ivanishvili’s ultimate defeat.
Achieving this is a long process that requires building public support for this vision and implementing resistance strategies to see it through. It is crucial to recognize that opposition groups promising to resolve everything in two or three days through so-called “pressure on Ivanishvili” are playing into his hands and betraying the interests of the people.
Peace has never been the answer to systemic oppression!
When they beat you, physically and morally abuse you, try to break you, and dominate your behavior and decisions—you must not only defend yourself but also resist and retaliate. You must hurt, break, and dominate them, both physically and morally.
Domination over people is not limited to physical oppression; it is primarily economic.
Economic domination has already been implemented. They have stripped us of all public goods essential for life. They have seized and sold our common assets, from housing to land. They have robbed us of our dignity and are now fighting for ultimate hegemony. This political and economic elite, consolidated in both the ruling party and the opposition, represents no popular ideology—only the continued impoverishment and oppression of those who toil daily.
In the current situation, the comprador government of the Georgian Dream is attempting to physically dominate the people, breaking our spirits so that even the thought of resistance is stifled, let alone action. This government spares no one in its attempts to maintain control, targeting people regardless of age, gender, or status.
Therefore, we, the people, must seize both physical and economic power. Today, we must show this government that it cannot destroy us while simultaneously reclaiming our economic autonomy.
We must not follow Ivanishvili’s script, where he reduces us to a passive spectacle in front of parliament while controlling the process from behind the scenes. Instead, we must adopt tactics unknown and dangerous to the system he has built—practices he has neither seen nor experienced, strategies beyond his comprehension.
We remember Ivanishvili’s face, shaken by the people’s defiance, and his apologetic gestures—a clear sign that his self-confidence can be shattered. Resistance, in forms he cannot predict or manage, can undermine his authority.
He has yet to hear demands that challenge the logic of his transactional rule. He has mastered the art of managing spontaneous, short-lived protests outside parliament, manipulating and containing gatherings fueled by temporary outrage. This emboldens him, enabling him to trade away everything, including our future and homeland.
But he has not faced resistance strategies that disrupt the normal functioning of institutions that produce capital and control narratives—strategies that render riot police and other tools of repression useless, making their attributes meaningless.
To truly challenge the system, we must prevent it from operating under normal conditions and shift public support from the symbolic streets of Rustaveli to places where these disruptive practices are carried out.
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