FOR its sheer brutality, the Maguindanao massacre on Monday is viewed as unprecedented in the history of political violence in the country.
But clan feuding, or more popularly known as “rido,” which is blamed for the mass killings, is a common occurrence in the social landscape of Maguindanao, where members of the Ampatuan clan virtually reign as political overlords.
A study on the incidence of rido in the province done in 2005 by Abhoud Syed Lingga of the Institute for Bangsamoro Studies found that all 28 towns, plus Cotabato City, were rocked by clan feuds.
The study is part of the book “Rido: Clan Feuding and Conflict Management in Mindanao,” published by The Asia Foundation in 2007.
Lingga documented 218 rido cases from 1970 to 2004, though he estimates a higher number because many of these were usually not reported to authorities. Of the total number of cases, 116 had been resolved.
The study, along with others with the same theme, was presented in Manila two years ago. Lingga had said that while clan conflict also grips other parts of the country, the phenomenon was more pronounced in Moro communities.
Challenge
This was among the reasons international development agencies in Mindanao are looking keenly at the intricacies of rido as a useful guide to peace-building initiatives in the communities.
Rido has remained a challenge. The secessionist Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Armed Forces of the Philippines were dragged into it, spoiling the environment of the peace process.
Among the Maguindanaoan people, rido or “ukag” is directly related to the concept of “kanaman,” which pertains to a deep sense of personal dignity and honor, and self-respect. It is known as the “maratabat” among the Maranao and Iranun peoples.
According to Professor Jamail Kamlian of the Mindanao State University, when this honor is violated, an aggrieved person avenges the psychological hurt to the extent of carrying out a killing—which, in turn, can invite retribution.
Rido anatomy
Lingga’s study found that a damaged kanaman could be restored with a measure of justice that would assuage the hurt. If this is not obtained, the conflict can escalate into a rido.
But Lingga qualified that a rido could be launched only if one has the ability to do so; if not, the motive to retaliate becomes dormant “until he is capable or the situation is suitable for him to regain his self-respect and the respect of the community.”
A feud can start from fairly minor matters, but the ones that have turned bloody and long drawn-out usually arise from disputes over elective seats and land.
Throughout the 35-year period covered by the Lingga study, political rivalry tops the major triggers of rido in Maguindanao, accounting for almost 20 percent of cases.
This is followed by dispute over land.
The most discernible cost of rido is lives lost, and properties and crops damaged. In the Lingga study, the 218 clan feuds had resulted in 811 people dead and 369 others wounded.
To avoid being the target of vengeful attacks, 581 families moved their residences leading to economic displacement.
In the longer term, unresolved clan conflicts infuse social discord; the enmity can last for generations that polarize residents in a community.
Math of conflict
Heads of families or clan leaders are expected to lead efforts in obtaining justice. And clan members are expected to support the effort to defend their collective honor.
According to Lingga, “the close family ties among Maguindanawons … partly explain this sense of collective responsibility and accountability.”
The support of other families not related by blood can also be enlisted, even as relatives may also declare noninvolvement.
But apart from being potential warriors, kin on both sides can actually play a role in resolving the conflict. Lingga’s research found that pressure from family and community leaders are able to prevent the carrying out of retribution and retaliation that effectively cuts the cycle of vengeance.
Settlement
Sustaining rido is economically exacting. So is striking a settlement which usually involves payment of blood money.
But beyond the financial cost, repairing relationships is the most crucial element in sustainable resolution of the conflict. This is supposedly facilitated by a justice system sensitive to the sociocultural underpinnings of the community.
Lingga points to the traditional way of the “kadsarakan,” whereby the values of humility and forgiveness is best practiced. Here, the offender goes to the house of the offended party, accompanied by relatives and community leaders, and submit to the latter’s discretion as a show of remorse. This is also accompanied by efforts to arrange indemnity.
“For a serious crime, the offender dons white and brings along a kris which he offers to the offended party upon arrival at the latter’s home. This is meant for the offended party to carry out an execution,” Lingga wrote.
He added that “even in grave cases, Maguindanawon tradition expects the offended party to forgive the offender who humbles himself.”
But Lingga notes, the existence of competing systems of justice in Maguindanao makes it difficult to address rido as this gives the parties opportunity to shop for different venues where to obtain the most satisfactory result.
At the time Lingga wrote the research report, venues for dispute resolution includes that with traditional leaders and the MILF courts, alongside those sanctioned by the Philippine state.
Weak governance
The Lingga study also asserts that rido “is a consequence of the absence of justice brought about by the inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the justice system …”
Weak governance in the region aggravates this problem. For one, parties in a rido have easy access to guns that underpin their bloody campaigns against each other.
For another, the social environment is ripe for those well-connected with or part of established political authorities to carry out violence almost with impunity. It’s as if the violation of one’s honor constitutes a challenge to formal authority. Or a challenge to formal authority violates one’s honor.
In communities such as Maguindanao, where political office is almost like a personal possession, it is not surprising why rivalry in the elections could trigger vendettas.